Now, Aristagores, after he had caused Ionia to stand apart, thus met his end and Histiaeus, Miletus’ tyrant, let go off by Darius, was present at Sardis. Then him, come from Susa, Artaphrenes, the subordinate ruler of Sardis, asked in accordance with what kind of a reason he thought the Ionians were standing apart, and he both asserted he knew not and was wondering at what had been done on the ground that forsooth he had knowledge of none of the present matters. So Artaphrenes, seeing that he was using art, said, since he knew the exact truth of the standing apart, “Thus for you, Histiaeus, it is concerning those matters: that shoe you sewed and Aristagores shod himself”.

Artaphrenes said that that pertained to the standing apart and Histiaeus in fear on the ground that Artaphrenes was comprehending under cover of the first night that had come out ran away toward the sea and had deceived utterly King Darius, he who had promised he would work the downfall of Sardo, the largest island, and was slipping in under the leadership of the Ionians’ war against Darius. Then having stepped across to Chios he was bound by the Chians, since he was wrongly supposed by them of doing newer acts against them at Darius’ bidding. However, the Chians, having learned the whole account, that he was hostile to the king, released him. Right thereupon when Histiaeus was being asked by the Ionians in accordance with what so eagerly he had enjoined on Aristagores to stand himself apart from the king and had worked out so great an evil against the Ionians, what had come to be the cause for them he was bringing out to light not at all, but he was saying to them that King Darius had taken counsel to make the Phoenicians to stand up and out and settle down in Ionia and the Ionians in Phoenicia and because of that he had given the injunction. Although not even in any way at all absolutely had the king taken that counsel, he was trying to scare the Ionians.

Then afterwards Histiaeus was dealing through a messenger, Hermippus, an Atarnian man, and to those of the Persians who were in Sardis was sending papers on the ground that they had previously conversed to him about standing apart. But Hermippus to whom he had been sent away gave them not and he was carrying and put the papers in the hand of Artaphrenes. Then he, having learned all that was being done, bade Hermippus carry and give what was from Histiaeus to very ones for whom he was carryng them and the things in answer that were being sent back from the Persians give to Hermippus himself. And when those had become manifest, thereupon Artaphrenes killed many of the Persians.

Round Sardis indeed there came to be a disturbance and Histiaeus, tripped up in that hope, the Chians led down to Miletus at the requesting of Histiaeus himself. But the Milesians, gladly having gotten free from Aristagores in fact, in no way were eager to receive another tyrant into their country, seeing that they had tasted of freedom. And indeed, because, when it was night, with violence Histiaeus was trying to go down into Miletus, he was wounded in his thigh by one of the Milesians. He indeed, when he had come to be thrust away from his own land, came back to Chios and thence, because he could not so persuade the Chians as to give him ships, he stepped across to Mytilene and persuaded the Lesbians to give him ships. Then they filled eight triremes and set sail together with Histiaeus to Byzantium and sitting there, they were taking those of the ships that were sailing out of the Pontus except all of them that asserted they were ready to obey Histiaeus.

Now, Histiaeus and the Mytilenians were doing that, and against Miletus itself a large army of ship and foot was expected; for the generals of the Persians, having joined together and made one camp, were driving against Miletus, because they considered worthless all the other boroughs. And of the navy the Phoenicians were the most eager and there joined in advancing with an army also the newly subjected Cyprians as well as the Cilicians and the Egyptians.

They indeed were advancing with an army against Miletus and the rest of Ionia, and the Ionians were learning that by inquiry and sending delegates of themselves to the Panionium. Then to them, when they had come to that place and were taking council, it seemed good that no foot army they should collect in opposition to the Persians, but the Milesians themselves should guard their walls and they should fill the fleet and leave behind none of the ships and, after they had performed the filling, should be collected the quickest way at Lade to fight a naval battle for Miletus. Now, Lade is a small island that lies off the city of the Milesians.

Then after that with their ships, when they had been filled, the Ionians were present and with them also they of the Aeolians who inhabit Lesbos. And they were stationed this way: the Milesians themselves had the wing toward the east and were furnishing from themselves eighty ships. Then next to those were the Prienians with twelve ships and the Myesians with three ships. Then to the Myesians the Teians were next with seventeen ships and to the Teians next were the Chians with a hundred ships. Then near to those were stationed the Erythrians and the Phocians and the Erythrians were furnishing from themselves eight ships and the Phocians three. Then next to the Phocians were the Lesbians with seventy ships. And last were stationed and had the wing toward the west the Samians with sixty ships. So of all those the whole number together came to be three hundred fifty three triremes.

Those then were the Ionians’ and the barbarians’ multitude of ships were six hundred. When both those had come to Milesian land and their foot army was present, thereupon the Persians’ generals, having learned by inquiry the multitude of the Ionian ships, dreaded utterly that they should prove not capable of overcoming and thus they should both not be able to take Miletus completely, if they were not masters of the sea, and from Darius run the risk of receiving some evil. Considering that, they, after they had collected the Ionians’ tyrants, who, having been deposed by Aristagores the Milesian from their rules, were fleeing to the Medes and in fact then were joining in advancing with the army against Miletus, called together those of those men who were present and were saying to them this: “Ionian men, let everyone of you now manifestly treat well the king’s house; I mean, let each of you try to separate his own fellow-citizens from the remaining allied force. Put forward for yourselves and announce out for yourselves this, that they will suffer nothing unagreeable on account of their standing apart and for them neither their shrines nor their private property will be burnt down and they will have nothing more violent than they had previously, but if they will not do that and they in any case will go through battle, by now this very saying say to them and use as an abusive threat that will hold them down, that worsted in the battle, they will be led into captivity and that their sons we will cause to be castrated ones and their maidens drawn up to Bactra and that we will hand over their country to others”.

They indeed said that and the Ionians’ tyrants sent in different ways by night, as each to his own was having announcements made out. Then the Ionians, to whom in fact those announcements had come, were thoroughly making use of wilfulness and would not agree to the betrayal and each thought that to themselves alone the Persians had that announced out. Now, that immediately after the Persians had come to Miletus was happening.

Then, when the Ionians had been gathered together at Lade, assemblies were being made and indeed I suppose not only others were speaking to them, but also moreover indeed the Phocian general Dionysus with these words: “Because on a razor’s edge are our affairs held, Ionian men, whether to be free or slaves, and at that like runaways, then now if we want to submit to hardships, forthwith toil will be yours, but you will be able to overcome for yourselves your opponents and be free, whereas if you will make thorough use of softness and lack of order, I have no hope for you of not paying the penalty to the king for your standing apart. Well, me obey and to me yourselves entrust, and to you I, if the gods apportion what’s fair, promise that either our enemies will not join battle or, if they join battle, they will be greatly worsted”.

Having heard that, the Ionians entrusted themselves to Dionysus, and he, after he was leading up on each occasion in a wing the ships, that he might use the oarsmen in executing a sailing through each other and out with their ships and arm the marines, the remaining part of the day was keeping the ships at anchor and furnishing for the Ionians toil throughout the day. Now, up to seven days they were obeying and doing what was bade, but the one after those the Ionians, inasmuch as they were without experience of toils like those and worn out by hardships and sun, said to themselves this: “Whom of divinities did we walk contrary to and fulfill this, who, having gone contrary to your senses and sailed out of your mind, to a Phocian, a boastful one, who is furnishing from himself three ships, have entrusted ourselves and keep so? He then, having taken us over, maltreats us with incurable maltreatments and indeed many of us have fallen into illnesses and many are likely to suffer that same thing; in short, before those evils for us at least it is better in fact to suffer whatsoever else and the slavery that is to be to endure whatever it will be rather than be held together in the one that is present. Come, the remaining time let us not obey him”. That they said and after that immediately to obey no one was willing, but like a host they, having pitched themselves tents on the island, were staying in the shade and refused to step into their ships and do their exercises.

Then the generals of the Samians learned that was being done by the Ionians and thereupon indeed from Aeaces, the son of Syloson, that which Aeaces previously was sending as accounts at the Persians’ bidding by way of asking them to abandon their alliance with the Ionians, they, the Samians, hence at once, seeing that the lack of order was great from the Ionians’ side, were receiving as the accounts and it was clear to them it was impossible to overthrow the king’s affairs, since they at any rate knew well that, even if they overthrew the fleet that was present, another would be present for them five times as large. Hence having taking hold on a pretext, as soon they had seen the Ionians refusing to be useful, they considered in profit’s place to preserve their own shrines and private property. Now, Aeaces, from whom they received the accounts, was the son of Syloson, the son of Aeaces, and, being the tyrant of Samos, by the Milesian Aristagores was deprived of his rule just according as all the other tyrants of Ionia.

Hence then when the Phoenicians were sailing in opposition, the Ionians, even themselves, were leading up their ships in wings. And when they both came to be near and joined battle with each other, thereafter I am not able exactly to write up who of the Ionians proved good men or bad in that naval battle; for they were blaming each other. But the Samians are said thereupon in accordance with what had been agreed with Aeaces to have raised for themselves their sails and sailed away from their post to Samos except eleven ships. And of those the trireme rulers remained and were fighting a naval battle, because they disobeyed their generals, and to them the commonwealth of the Samians granted on account of that deed on a pillar to be written up with their fathers’ names on the ground that they had proven good men and that pillar is in the public square. But the Lesbians too, having seen for themselves their neighbours were fleeing, did the same as the Samians, and thus also the greater number of the Ionians did that same thing.

And of those that remained in the naval battle the Chians were treated most harshly on the ground that they were showing forth for themselves brilliant deeds and not fighting badly on purpose, who were furnishing from themselves, just as also was previously said, a hundred ships and on each of them forty picked men among their townsmen who were marines. And seeing the greater number of the allies were playing the traitor, they thought not just to prove similar to the bad among them, but left alone with few allies, they performed a sailing through and out and were fighting a naval battle, until they took numerous ships of their enemies and lost the majority of their own. The Chians indeed with those left of their ships fled away to their own land.

But all those of the Chians whose ships were powerless through the agency of damages then, when they were being pursued, took refuge at Mycale. Ships indeed right there they beached and left behind and they on foot were conveyed through the mainland. So when the Chians had thrown into Ephesia in their being conveyed, because at night they had come to it and since there were for the women at that very spot the Thesmophoria, thereupon the Ephesians, as they both had not heard before how it was concerning the Chians and saw an army had been thrown into their country, having certainly come to the belief that they were thieves and were going for their women, they were coming out to the rescue with the whole people and killing the Chians. Now, those fell on fortunes like that.

But Dionysus the Phocian, when he had learned the Ionians’ affairs had been destroyed, he took three ships of the enemies and was sailing away to Phocia no longer, since he knew well that he would be led into captivity together with the rest of Ionia. Then he immediately, as he was, was sailing to Phoenicia and there having caused merchant vessels to sink down and taken much money, he was sailing to Sicily and, making his base thence, as a pirate he was established of none of the Greeks, but of the Carchedonians and the Tyrsenians.

Then the Persians, when in the naval battle they were prevailing over the Ionians, were besieging Miletus by land and sea by digging under the walls and applying machines of all kinds and took it down to the citadel the sixth year after the standing apart of Aristagores. And they led into captivity the city so as for the suffering to coincide with the oracle that had come about with regard to Miletus.

For for the Argives, when they were consulting the oracle in Delphi about their own city’s salvation, a common oracle was given as an oracle, that which referred to the Argives and the addition that she gave as an oracle to the Milesians. Now, that which related to the Argives, whenever I come to be at that point in my account, then I mention and what she gave as an oracle to the Milesians, when they were not present, is this way:

And then indeed, Miletus, bad works’ deviser,
To many feast and bright gifts you will come to be
And your bedmates wash feet of many long-haired men
And our temple at Didyma’s care be others’.

Then indeed that befell the Milesians, when indeed the majority of men were being killed by the Persian who were long-haired men, the women and offspring came to be in the counting of captives and the shrine in Didyma, the temple and the oracle, was plundered and burnt down. And of the money in that shrine often mention elsewhere in my account I made.

Thereafter those of the Milesians who taken alive were led to Susa and King Darius did them no other evil and settled them down by the so-called Red sea, in the city of Ampe, alongside which the Tigris river flows and disembogues into the sea. And of the Milesians’ country the Persians themselves had the parts round the city and the plain, and the heights over they gave to the Pedasian Carians to possess.

Then to the Milesians, when they had suffered that at the Persians’ hands, the Sybaritians did not pay back the like, who were settled in Laus and Scidrus, because they had been deprived of their city --for, Sybaris having been captured by the Crotonians, all Milesians from the youth upwards shaved for themselves their heads and added for themselves great sorrow; for those cities quite most of those that we know were foreign friends to each other. Nothing similarly as the Athenians; for the Athenians made clear their excessive grieving at Miletus’ capture in all the many other ways and, in particular, when Phrynichus had composed as a drama Miletus’ capture and produced it, the theatre fell to tears and they fined him, on the ground that he had called to memory their own evils, a thousand drachmas and commanded no one any longer to make use of that drama.

Now, Miletus of Milesians was made empty, and to those of the Samians who had anything what had been done with regard to the Medes by their own generals in no way was pleasing and it seemed good after the naval battle immediately, when they were taking counsel for themselves, before for them the tyrant Aeaces came to their country, to sail off for colonization and not remain and be the Medes and Aeaces’ slaves. For the Zanclians who from Sicily during that same time were sending messengers to Ionia were calling the Ionians to the shore of Cale, because they wanted on the very spot to found a city of Ionians. And that so-called shore of Cale is the Sicilians and turned toward Tyrsenia in Sicily. Therefore, those being called for, the Samians were the only ones of the Ionians to be dispatched and together with them were those of the Milesians who had fled away.

It’s that matter in which indeed something like this happened to come about: the Samians in being conveyed to Sicily came to be among the Epizephyrian Locrians, and the Zanclians themselves and their king, whose name was Scythes, were sitting down round a city of the Sicilians, because they wanted to completely take it. Then having learned of that, Rhegium’s tyrant, Anaxileus, as he was then differing with the Zanclians, joined with the Samians and convinced them that they should let the shore of Cale, to which they were sailing, be and take hold of Zancle, because it was empty of men. So, the Samians obeying and having taken hold of Zancle, thereupon the Zanclians, when they had learned by inquiry that their city was being held, came to its rescue and were calling for Hippocrates, Gele’s tyrant; for indeed that one was their ally. But when of them in fact Hippocrates with his host was present in coming to the rescue, Scythes, the monarch of the Zanclians, on the ground that he had lost the city, Hippocrates fettered as well as his brother, Pythogenes, and sent them to the city of Inyx. Then the Zanclians left, after he had conferred with the Samians and given and received oaths, he betrayed. And this was the wage for him stated by the Samians, that Hippocrates should take as his share half of all the movables and the captives in the city and should obtain as his lot all the things in the fields. The majority of the Zanclians he himself held in the accounting of captives, after he had performed a binding, and the three hundred chiefs among them he gave to the Samians to completely kill by cutting their throats. However the Samians at any rate did not do that.

Then Scythes, the monarch of the Zanclians, from Inyx ran away to Himere and from that land he was present in Asia and went up to King Darius. And him Darius considered to be the most just of all men who from Greece to him had gone up; for in fact, after he had begged to the king, he came to Sicily and again from Sicily back to the king, until by old age when he was greatly blessed he met his end among the Persians. So the Samians, having gotten rid of the Medes, without trouble put round themselves a most beautiful city, Zancle.

So after the naval battle that had come about off Miletus the Phoenicians at the Persians’ bidding led to Samos Aeaces, Syloson’s son, on the ground that he had proven worth much and worked out great deeds, and in the case of the Samians alone of those who had stood apart from Darius on account of the leaving behind of their ships in the naval battle neither their city nor their shrines were burnt down. And, Miletus captured, immediately the Phoenicians got hold of Caria too; some of its cities with their having bowed down voluntarily, and some by force they brought over for themselves.

That indeed thus happened and to Histiaeus the Milesian, while he was round Byzantium and was seizing the Ionians’ trading vessels, when they were sailing out of the Pontus, was announced out what had happened round Miletus. The matters that were concerned with the Hellespont indeed he entrusted to Bisaltes, Apollophanes’ son, an Abydenian, and he himself with the Lesbians was sailing to Chios and with a guard of Chians, when it would not let him go forward, he joined battle in the so-called Hollows of the Chian country. Of them indeed he killed numerous and over the Chians left, seeing that indeed they were in a bad state in consequence of the naval battle, Histiaeus with the Lesbians gained mastery and he was making his base of operations at Polichne of the Chians.

Now, there is a love somehow of giving indications beforehand, whenever great evils are for either a city or a nation to be; for in fact for the Chians before that great indications were made. On the one hand, to them, when they had sent to Delphi a chorus of a hundred youths, only two of those returned back, and ninety eight of them a plague overtook and carried off and, on the other, in the city during the same time, a little before the naval battle, on children, when they were being taught letters, the roof fell so that of a hundred and twenty children one alone fled away. Those indications to them the god showed beforehand and after that the naval battle overtook and to its knee threw the city and on top of the naval battle supervened Histiaeus and he was leading the Lesbians. Then, the Chians being in a bad state, a subjection of them easily he performed.

So thence Histiaeus advanced with an army against Thasos and he was leading numerous of the Ionians and Aeolians and to him, while he was sitting down round Thasos, came a message that the Phoenicians were sailing up from Miletus against the rest of Ionia. Then having learned that by inquiry, he left Thasos unsacked and he himself to Lesbos hastened and was leading his whole host. Then from Lesbos, since his host was hungering, he made steps through across, with the intention that from Atarneus he would reap the grain thence and that of the Mysians from the Caicus plain. But in those spots in fact was Harpagus, a Persian man, general of no small host, who, having joined battle with him as he stepped out, took hold of Histiaeus himself with a taking alive and was destroying the majority of his army.

Now, Histiaeus was captured alive this way: when the Greeks were fighting with the Persians in Malene in the Atarnian country, they were come to grips for a long time and their horse later set off and fell on the Greeks. The work of the horse indeed proved that and, the Greeks routed, Histiaeus, expecting that he would not perish at the king’s hands on account of his present error, he took up for himself a love of soul like this: when in fleeing he was overtaken by a Persian man and when in being overgotten by him he was to be stabbed at once, uttering the Persian tongue, he disclosed himself completely, that he was Histiaeus the Milesian.

Now, if, when he had been taken alive, he had been brought in his being brought to King Darius, then both he would have suffered no evil, as far as it seems to me, and the other would have let his fault go by, but as it was, him because of those very previous acts and that, having made a complete escape, he might not again become great at the king’s court, Artaphrenes, the subordinate ruler of Sardis, and Harpagus who had performed the capture, when he had come in his being brought to Sardis, his body right there they impaled and his head, after they had performed a mummification, they carried away to King Darius into Susa. Then Darius, having learned that by inquiry and blamed those who had done that, because they had brought him up not living into the sight of him, once they had washed the head of Histiaeus and dressed it well, he enjoined to perform a burial as of a man greatly to himself and the Persians a benefactor. The matters concerning Histiaeus were thus.

And the nautical army of the Persians, having wintered round Miletus, the next year, when it had sailed up, took easily the islands that lay off the mainland, Chios, Lesbos and Tenedos, and whenever it took hold of any of the islands, taking each in its own way, the barbarians were netting the human beings. And they were performing the netting in this manner: man on man’s hand having laid hold from the northern sea to the southern, they stretch out and thereafter through the whole island they go in hunting out the human beings. Moreover, they were taking also the Ionian cities on the mainland after the same fashion except they were not netting the human beings; for it was not possible.

Thereupon the Persians’ generals falsified not the threats that they had threatened in reference to the Ionians, when they were encamping opposite themselves. For when indeed they had gotten mastery over the cities, on selecting out for themselves the most good-looking children, they were performing castrations and making them, instead of with testicles, eunuchs, and the maidens who were most beautiful drawn up to the king. That indeed they they were doing and the cities they were burning down with their shrines and all. Thus indeed the third time Ionians were mades slave utterly, first by the Lydians and twice in a row by the Persians.

Then from Ionia the nautical army was departing and all the parts on the left of the Hellespont for one who sails in was taking. For the parts on the right under the hand of the Persians themselves had become on the mainland. And there are in Europe these lands of the Hellespont, the Chersonese, in which are numerous cities, Perinthus, the walls on the coast of Thrace, Selymbrie and Byzantium. Now, the Byzantines and the Calchedonians from beyond did not even await the Persians’ sailing in opposition, but left behind their own land and were gone within, into the Euxine sea, and there settled in the city of Mesambrie. Then the Persians, having burnt those countries recounted down, turned themselves against Proconnesus and Artace and, having apportioned to fire those lands too, they were sailing back to the Chersonese to completely take all those of the cities left out that they had previously touched at and not pulled down. But against Cyzicus they did not even sail to begin with: for the Cyzicians before the Phoenicians’ sailing in had come to be under the king, after they had come to an agreement with Oebares, Megabazus’ son, the subordinate ruler in Dascyleum. Of the Chersonese then, except the city of Cardia, all the other cities the Phoenicians worsted.

Now, tyrant of them until then was Miltiades, Cimon’s son, Stesagores’ son, as Miltiades, Cypselus’ son, had acquired that rule previously in a manner like this: the Thracian Doloncians had that Cheronese, Hence those Doloncians, oppressed in war by the Apsinthians, sent to Delphi their kings to consult the oracle about the war. Then Pythia answered them that as founder should be brought to their country that one who them, when they had gone out of the shrine, was the first to call to a friendly meal. So the Doloncians, going the sacred way, through the Phocians and the Boeotians went and, when no one was calling them, they turned aside toward Athens.

Now, in Athens at that time Peisistratus had all the might, but Miltiades, Cypselus’ son, too was a dynast at least, who was of a house that maintained a team of four horses, in origin one descended from Aeacus and Aegina and in more recent eras an Athenian, since Philaeus, Ajax’ son, had been the first of that house born an Athenian. That Miltiades, sitting down on his porch, when he was seeing the Doloncians were going by with clothing not of the country and spears, he called them to himself and to them, when they had gone forward, he announced out shelter and a friendly meal. Then they, having accepted and been given a friendly meal by him, were bringing out to light the whole prophecy for him and, after they had brought it to light, they requested of him that he should obey the god. So, Miltiades, when he had heard, forthwith the account persuaded, inasmuch as he was vexed by Peisistratus’ rule and wanted to be out of the way. Then immediately he was dispatched to Delphi to ask besides the oracle whether he should do the very deeds that the Doloncians were requesting before him.

So, the Pythia too bidding, thus indeed Miltiades, Cypselus’ son, having gained victory at the Olympic games before that with a team of four horses, then, having taken over among the Athenians everyone who wanted to have a share of the expedition, was sailing together with the Doloncians and got hold of the country. And him those who had brought in established for themselves as a tyrant. Then he first walled off the isthmus of the Chersonese from Cardia to Pactye, that the Aspinthians might not be able to harm them by throwing in to the country. And those stades of the isthmus are thirty six and from that isthmus the Chersonese inwards in its entirety is of four hundred and twenty stades in its length.

Hence, Miltiades, having walled off the neck of the Chersonese and having had the Aspinthians thrust away in a manner like that, of those left first he waged war with the Lampsacenians, and him the Lampsacenians ambushed and took with a capturing alive. Now, Miltiades was for Croesus the Lydian one who had come to be in mind; hence having learned of that by inquiry, Croesus was sending and publicly saying to the Lampsacenians that they should let Miltiades go out and, if not, of them in a pine’s manner he was threatening a wiping out. So, the Lampsacenians wandering in their accounts of what the saying desired to say, which to them Creosus had spoken as a threat, “in a pine’s manner a wiping out”, with difficulty at last one of the elders, having learned, said what was, that only a pine among all trees, when it has been cut down, lets no shoot go out, but completely destroyed perishes away. Hence in fear of Croesus, the Lampsacenians released and let Miltiades go out.

That one indeed on account of Croesus fled out and afterwards met his end childless, after he had given over his rule and his money to Stesagore, Cimon his brother of the same mother’s son. And to him, after he had met his end, the Chersonesians sacrificed as is the law for a founder and they set up a contest of horse and gymnasts, in which to none of the Lampsacenians it is allowed to compete. And, there being war against the Lampsacenians, also Stesagores it befell to die childless, after he had been struck on his head with an axe in the town-hall by a man, a deserter by his account but an enemy and one somewhat more heated by his deed.

Installment 32            
 So, also Stesagores having met his end in a manner like this above, thereupon Miltiades, Cimon’s son and Stesagores who had died’s brother, to seize the affairs there to the Chersonese the sons of Peisistratus dispatched away with a trireme, they who in fact were treating him well in Athens on the ground that they forsooth were not sharing knowledge of his father Cimon’s death, which I for my part in another account will indicate how it happened. Then Miltiades, having come to the Chersonese, was at home and quite obviously was giving honor to his brother Stesagores. And the Chersonesians, when they were learning that by inquiry, were gathered together from all their cities, those who were dynasts from every place, and with a common expedition having come with the intention that they would join in being pained, they were bound by him. Miltiades indeed got a hold of the Chersonese and was maintaining five hundred auxiliaries, and he married Olorus the Thracians’ king’s daughter, Hegesipyle.

Indeed that son of Cimon, Miltiades, recently had gone to the Chersonese and there were befalling him, after he had gone, other things more difficult than the affairs that were prevailing. For in the third year before that he fled away from the Scythians; for the pastoral Scythians, provoked by King Darius, were rolled together and drove up to that Chersonese. Those, when they were going in opposition, Miltiades awaited not and was fleeing, until the Scythians departed and him the Doloncians brought back down. That indeed had happened in the third year before the matters that were then prevailing for him.

And at that time, when he was learning by inquiry that the Phoenicians were in Tenedos, he filled five triremes with the money that was at hand and was sailing to Athens. And the very time when he had set off from the city of Cardia, he was sailing through the Black Gulf; he was passing by the Chersonese and the Phoenicians were falling on him with their ships. Indeed Miltiades himself with four of the ships fled down to Imbros, but the fifth of the ships of his the Phoenicians in pursuing overtook. Now, of that ship in fact the oldest of Miltiades’ children was ruler, Metiochus, who was not born of the daughter of Olorus the Thracian, but of another woman. And that one together with his ship the Phoenicians took and, having learned of him by inquiry, that he was Miltiades’ child, they brought him up to the king, because they thought they would lay up for themselves a great gratitude, precisely in that Miltiades had shown forth his opinion among the Ionians by bidding them obey the Scythians, when the Scythians were requesting a breaking of the bridge of boats and a sailing off to their own land. Then Darius, when the Phoenicians had brought up Metiochus, Miltiades’ son, did to Metiochus nothing bad, but numerous good acts; for in fact a house and possessions he gave as well as a Persian wife, of whom to him offspring were born who were ordered in among the Persians. And Miltiades from Imbros came to Athens.

And during that year by the Persians nothing was done over a greater extent than that above that leads to quarrel, but these very useful acts were done for the Ionians in that year: Artaphrenes. the subordinate ruler of Sardis, having sent for messengers from the cities, compelled the Ionians to make compacts for themselves, that they might be given to justice and not carry and lead property from each other. That he compelled them to do and, having measured their countries by parasangs, what the Persians call thirty stades, by those indeed having measured, tributes he imposed on each group, which in place have continued to be from that time on each and every occasion still even to my time as they were imposed by Artaphrenes, and they were imposed after the same fashion that also previously they were having. And for them those matters were peaceable.

But together with spring, all the other generals deposed by the king, Mardonius, Gobryes’ son, was going down to the sea and at the same time was taking with himself a very large foot and large naval army, he who was young in age and recently had married King Darius’ daughter, Artozostre, and leading that army, Mardonius, when he had come to be in Cilicia, himself stepped onto a ship and was conveyed together with all the other ships, while the foot host other leaders were leading to the Hellespont. Then when in sailing along Asia Mardonius had come to Ionia, thereupon I will speak of the greatest marvel for those who refuse to accept among the Greeks among the Persians to the seven Otanes showed forth the opinion that the Persians should be governed by the people; for having deposed the tyrants of the Ionians, Mardonius was establishing governments of the people in the cities. Then having done that, he was hastening to the Hellespont. And when there had been gathered a large quantity of ships and had been gathered also a large foot army, having crossed over the Hellespont with their ships, they made their way through Europe and made their way to Eretria and Athens.

Hence those for them were the pretext of their expedition, but having in mind to subject the greatest number of the Greek cities whichever they could, on the one hand indeed, with their ships the Thasians, who not even hands raised, they subjected and, on the other, with their foot the Macedonians in addition to those that were belonging to them as slaves they acquired; for all the nations on this side of the Macedonians by then had become under their hand. From Thasos indeed they crossed over under cover of the mainland and were conveyed up to Acanthus and from Acanthus they set off and were trying to round Athos. But there fell on them as they were trying to sail round a great and unmanageable north wind and treated very harshly in multitude many of their ships by throwing them out onto Athos. For it is said approximately three hundred of the ships were those which had been destroyed and over two myriads of human beings; for seeing that that sea round Athos is most full of beasts, some were destroyed by the beasts, when they were seized, and others, when they dashed against the rocks, while those of them who knew not how to swim, also in accordance with that were destroyed and others by cold. The naval army indeed thus fared.

And on Mardonius and the foot, while they were encamped in Macedonia, at night the Thracian Brygians laid hands, and of them many the Brygians killed and Mardonius himself they wounded. And no, not even they themselves escaped slavery at the Persians’ hands: for indeed Mardonius stood not up away from those countries before he had brought them under his hands. However, having subjected those, he was leading his host back away, inasmuch as with his foot he had stumbled against the Brygians and with his navy greatly round Athos. Now, that expedition, having contended shamefully, departed to Asia.

Then the next year after that, Darius first in respect to the Thasians’ having been made the subject by their neighbours of the slander that they were contriving a standing apart, sent a messenger and was bidding them take down their wall all round and convey their ships to Abdera. For indeed the Thasians, inasmuch as they had been beseiged by Histiaeus the Milesian and there were many kinds of income, were making use of their money in undertaking the shipbuilding of large ships and putting a stronger wall round themselves. And the income for them came into being out of the mainland and from the mines; namely, from the gold mines of Scapte Hyle on the whole eighty talents were coming in and from those in Thasos itself fewer than those, but so numerous that on the whole for the Thasians, who were free of taxes on fruits, there came in from the mainland and the mines each year two hundred talents and, when the largest amount had come in, three hundred.

And I saw, even myself, those mines and far the most marvellous of them were what the Phoenicians had discovered, who with that Thasos had founded that island, that now after that Thasos the Phoenician has its name. So those Phoenician mines are in Thasos between a place called Aenyra and Coenyra and opposite Samothrace, a large mountain turned up in the searching. Now, that is like that.

And the Thasians for the king who had bidden both took down their wall and conveyed all their ships to Abdera. Then after that Darius was making trial of the Greeks about what they had in mind, whether to wage war with him or give themselves over. Hence he sent different ways various heralds to various places by his appointing, throughout Greece, and was bidding demand earth and water. Those indeed to Greece he was sending and other heralds he was sending different ways to his tributary cities along the sea and was bidding build large ships and boats for bringing horses.

Those indeed were preparing that and to the heralds that had come to Greece many of the mainlanders gave what the Persian had put forward in his demanding and all the islanders to whom they came to make the demand. Indeed all the other islanders gave earth and water to Darius and, in particular, the Aeginetians. Then to them, who had done that, immediately the Athenians applied themselves and thought that the Aeginetians, having it out for them, had made the gift, that together with the Persian they might advance with an army. And gladly they took hold on a pretext and, resorting to Sparta, they were accusing the Aegenitians for what they had done in having betrayed Greece.

Then in view of that accusation Cleomenes, Anaxandrides’ son, being king of the Spartiates, set foot on Aegina, because he wanted to arrest among the Aeginetians those most responsible. And, when he was trying to make arrests, others among the Aeginetians indeed became opposed to him and moreover also Crius, Polycritus’son, most, who asserted he would not bring any of the Aeginetians with impunity, because without the Spartiates’ commonwealth’ aid he was acting, since he had been compelled by the Athenians with money, as otherwise he, having gone together with the other king, would be making arrests. Now, he was saying that because of an injunction of Demaratus. Then Cleomenes, being driven from Aegina, asked Crius what was his name and he pointed out its being to him. So Cleomenes asserted to him, “By now presently cover with brass, o crius [ram], your horns with the intention that you will bring yourself together with great evil”.

Then in Sparta during that time Demaretus, Ariston’s son, waited behind and was slandering Cleomenes, that one who also was king of the Spartiates, but of a somewhat inferior house, inferior in accordance with nothing else --for they were descended from the same ancestor-- but that in accordance with seniority of birth in some way the house of Eurysthenes is honored more.

For the Lacedaemonians, agreeing with no poet, say that Aristodemus, Cleodaeus’ son, Hyllus’ son, being king, brought them to that country that they possess now, and Aristodemus’ sons did not. Then after no long time for Aristodemus his wife brought forth, whose name was Argeia, and she, they say, was the daughter of Autesion, Teisamenus’ son, Thersander’s son, Polyneices’ son; that one indeed brought forth twins and Aristodemus got a look at the offspring and by illness was meeting his end. So the Lacedaemonians who were then took counsel in accordance with law to appoint as king the older of the sons; hence they indeed knew not which they should choose, seeing that they were both similar and equal, and, when they were not having the ability to come to knowledge or even before that, they were asking of her who had brought them forth and she asserted that not even she herself could make the distinction. She said that although she in fact very much knew and because she wanted a case where somehow they both could become kings. Hence indeed the Lacedaemonians were at a loss and, being at a loss, sent to Delphi on to ask what use they should make of the matter. Then Pythia bade them consider both little children kings, but honor more the elder. Indeed Pythia gave them that answer, and to the Lacedaemonians who were at a loss no less how they should find out the older of them a Messenian man made a suggestion, whose name was Panites, and that Panites suggested this to the Lacedaemonians, that they should keep guard over the begetter regarding which of the two little children she first bathed and fed and, if she manifestly acted on each and every occasion after the same fashion, then they would have every single thing that they both sought and desired to find out, but if in fact that one wandered alternately in acting, it would be clear to them that not even that one knew anything more, and they should turn themselves to another way. Thereupon indeed the Spartiates in accordance with the Messenian’s suggestions keep guard over the mother of Aristodemus’ children and grasped that after the same fashion she was honoring the earlier in respect to both foods and baths, because she knew not for the sake of what she was being kept guard over. Then, having taken hold of the little child that was being honored by its begetter on the ground that it was the earlier, they were nurturing it in the public hall, and to it as a name was given Eurysthenes and to the other Procles. Those, having become men, although they themselves were brothers, they say, were differing all the time of their life with each other, and they who were descended from those continued in the same way.

That account the Lacedaemonians alone of the Greeks give and the following in accordance with what is said by the Greeks I write, that indeed those kings of the Dorians down to Perseus, Danae’s son, the god being absent, are described correctly by the Greeks and shown forth that they are Greeks: for by then at that time those were counted among the Greeks. And I said down to Perseus for the following reason, but gave no still earlier grasping, that there is added no appellation to Perseus of a mortal father, just as to Heracles “Amphitryon”; hence by now by me, who am making use of a correct account down to Perseus, it has been said, and from Danae, Acrisius’ daughter, for one who is describing the fathers of them on each and every occasion upwards, manifestly the Dorians’ leaders would be true-born Egyptians.

Now, that genealogy in accordance with what the Greeks say has been given, but, as the Persians’ account is given, Perseus himself, being an Assyrian, became Greek, but not Perseus’ ancesters, and it’s that the fathers of Acrisius at any rate had in accordance with kinship no agreement with Perseus, but those were, just according as the Greeks say, Egyptians.

Now, let that in fact about that be said and why, being Egyptians, and what having shown forth, they took hold of the Dorians’ kingdoms, because by others about them has been said, we will let go, but of that which others took no complete hold of for themselves I will make mention.

Indeed these privileges to their kings the Spartiates have given: two priesthoods, of Zeus of Lacedaemon and of Zeus of the sky, and moreover to bring forth war against whichever country they want and of that for none of the Spartiates to be a hinderer and, if that’s not, for the one himself to be caught in his pollution, as well as, when they are advancing with an army, for the kings to go first and to go back last, for a hundred picked men in the time for a host to guard them, to make use of in their goings out of howsoever many cattle that they want and for them to take of all together that are sacrificed the skins and backs.

Those are the ones in war and all the other, those of peace, after this fashion have been given them: if any sacrifice is made at public expense, for them to seat the kings first at the dinner and from those first to begin by distributing to each twice as much of all as to all the other banqueters and for the beginnings of libations to be theirs and the skins of what had been sacrificed, as well as during all new moons and seventh days, when the month was being established, for there to be given from the public hall a full-grown sacred victim for each to Apollo’s temple, a medimnus of barley-meal and of wine a Laconian fourth, in all the contests the rights to front seats as perquisites, for there to be assigned to those to appoint as officials for foreign friends those of their townsmen whomever they want and for each to choose two Pythians (and the Pythians are messengers sent to consult the god to Delphi and they eat with the kings the public provisions), if the kings go not to their dinner, for there to be sent away for them to their houses two choenixes of barley-meal for each and a cup of wine and, if they are present, for twice as much of all to be given and with the same even by private persons, when they are called to dinner, to be honored, for those to guard the prophecies that are being given and for the Pythians too to join in the knowing, for the kings to judge so many cases alone: concerning a maiden that has her father’s property, to whom it befits to have her as wife, precisely if her father has betrothed her not, and concerning public ways, if anyone wants to have a child made adoptive, for him to have him made in front of the kings, and to sit by the elders, when they are taking counsel, who are thirty less two and, if they come not, for those of the elders who are related to them most to have the kings’ privileges and to cast two voting-pebbles and the third for themselves and the third of themselves.

Those gifts are given to the kings, when they are alive, from the commonwealth of the Spartiates and, when they are dead, these: horsemen announce round what has happened down through all the Laconian land and down through the city women go round and beat on cauldrons. Hence whenever that becomes like that, it’s a necessity from each house for two free persons to utterly pollute themselves, a man and a woman and on them, if they do that not, great penalties are imposed. And the law for the Lacedaemonians concerning their kings’ deaths is the same as for the barbarians in Asia: for accordingly the greater number of the barbarians use the same law concerning the deaths of their kings. For whenever a king of the Lacedaemonians dies, there must from all Lacedaemon, besides the Spartiates, in a number of those settled round go people compelled to the funeral. Hence whenever of those, the helots and the Spartiates themselves are gathered together into the same place many thousands, mixedly together with the women they beat themselves on their foreheads eagerly and make thorough use of abundant wailing, while they assert for themselves that he of the kings who has ceased to be last on each and every occasion, that one indeed, proved the best. And whoever of the kings dies in war, for that one then they prepare an image and on a well-spread bier carry it out. And whenever they perform the burial, a public market for ten days is not set up and a body for choosing rulers sits not together, but they mourn those days.

And they resemble in this other respect the Persians: whenever at the dying of the king another is made to stand in as king, that ingoing one frees whoever of the Spartiates to the king or to the public store was owing a debt. And in turn among the Persians the one who is being established king lets go the tribute that was being previously owed for all the cities.

And the Lacedaemonians resemble too in these respects the Egyptians: their heralds, flute-players and cooks inherit their father’s arts and flute-player of flute-player is born as well as cook of cook and herald of herald; not by applying themselves in accordance with loudness of voice do others shut them out, but rather in accordance with their fathers’ ways they perform a bringing to completion. That thus indeed is done.

So at that time Cleomenes, while he was in Aegina and working out common goods for Greeks, Demaretus slandered, not because he was caring for the Aeginetians so much as because was indulging in envy and malice. Then Cleomenes, having returned from Aegina, was taking counsel to make Demaretus cease from his kingdom and on account of a matter like this was having a means of walking against him: to Ariston, when he was king in Sparta and had married two women, children were not being born. And because he was not admitting to himself that he himself was responsible for that, he married a third woman and married this way: there was his a friend among the Spartiates, a man to whom among the townsmen Ariston was most attached. That man’s in fact was the most beautiful wife by far of the women in Sparta. and that too when she had become the most beautiful from the ugliest. For her, because she was in her looks inferior, her nurse, inasmuch as she was blessed human beings’ daughter and bad looking, and in addition also since she was seeing her parents were considering her looks a misfortune, having learned each of those things, she contrived like this: she was carrying her constantly on every day to Helen’s shrine and it is in the land called Therapne above the shrine of Phoebus. So whenever the nurse did the bringing, she set her up against the image and was beseeching the goddess to rid of its misshapenness the little child. And indeed once to the nurse as she was going out of the shrine it is said a woman appeared and, having appeared, she asked her what she was carrying in her arm and she bade show her, but she asserted no; for it had been forbidden her by the begetters to make a show to anyone. But the other by all means bade make a show to her. Then, seeing that the woman was considering worth much to get a look for herself, the nurse thus indeed showed the little child and the other stroked the little child’s head and said she would be the most beautiful of all the women in Sparta. Indeed from that day her looks changed and there married her, when she had come to the hour of marriage, Agetus, Alceides’ son, indeed that friend of Ariston.

So desire for that woman was chafing Ariston after all. Indeed he contrived like this: he himself to his companion, whose that wife was, undertook that he would give as a gift one thing of all of his, whichever that one himself chose, and his companion to him he was bidding in the same way give the like. Then he with no fear about his wife, because he saw Ariston’s too was a wife, consented to that and on those conditions they performed a driving on of oaths. And afterwards Ariston himself gave that, whatever indeed it was, of the laid up valuables of Ariston which Agetus had chosen, and himself, seeking the like to win from that one, thereupon indeed his companion’s wife was trying to lead away for himself. Then the other asserted that except that alone he had consented to all else; however, being compelled by the oath and the deceit’s leading astray, he let her go for him to lead away for himself.

Thus indeed Ariston brought in for himself his third wife, after he had sent away for himself the second. Then for him in a less time and without having filled up the ten months, that woman brought forth that Demaretus indeed. And one of the members of the household to him, while he was sitting down on a chair with the ephors, announced out that to him a child had been born. So he, since he knew the time at which he had brought his wife for himself and was counting on his fingers the months, he said by way of denying on oath, “He could not be mine”. That the ephors had heard; however, they considered it no matter at the immediate moment. And the child grew and Ariston what had been said repented; for the child Demaretus in the highest degree he believed to be his. And he gave Demaretus ("by the people prayed for") as a name to him on account of this: before that with the whole people the Spartiates to Ariston, on the ground that he was well esteemed above quite all those that had become kings in Sparta, offered a prayer a child should be born; on account of that to him the name Demaretus was given.

Then, as time went forward, Ariston died and Demaretus got hold of the kingdom. But, as it seems, that above, having become entirely learned by inquiry, had to depose Demaretus from his kingdom. With Cleomenes Demaretus had fallen out greatly, previously when he had led the host from Eleusis and, in particular, then when against those of the Aeginetians who had medized Cleomenes had crossed over.

Hence, minded to take vengeance, Cleomenes contracted with Leutychides, Menares’ son, Agis’ son, who was of the same house as Demaretus, on condition that, if he established him as king instead of Demaretus, he would follow him against the Aeginetians. Now, Leutychides was most hostile to Demaretus and had become on account of a matter like this: after Leutychides had Percalus, Demarmenus’ daughter, betrothed to himself, Demaretus took counsel against and deprived Leutychides of his marriage, as he himself anticipated him by seizing Percalus and having her as a wife. In accordance with that Leutychides’ enmity toward Demaretus had come into being and at that time in consequence of Cleomenes’ eagerness Leutychides took an oath against Demaretus and asserted that he by right was not king of the Spartiates, because he was not the son of Ariston. Then after his taking an oath against him he was performing a prosecution by bringing back up to safety that saying that Ariston had said then when to him the member of his household had announced out a child had been born, and he counted the months and made a denial on oath by asserting it was not his. Taking his stand on that statement indeed, Leutychides was bringing away to light that Demaretus neither had been born of Ariston nor by right was king of Sparta and was furnishing for himself the ephors as witnesses, who then in fact were sitters by and had heard that from Ariston.

Then finally, quarrels being about it, it seemed good to the Spartiates to ask of the oracle in Delphi whether Demaretus was Ariston’s son. And, it having been brought up by the set mind of Cleomenes to the Pythia, thereupon Cleomenes won over Cobon, Aristophantus’ son, a man who among the Delphians was the greatest dynast, and Cobon convinced Periallus the prophetess what Cleomenes wanted to be said to say. Thus indeed the Pythia, when the messengers sent to the god were doing the asking, was judging that Demaretus was not ArIston’s son. However, at a later time that became entirely learned by inquiry and Cobon fled from Delphi and Periallus the prophetess was made to cease from her honor.

Indeed concerning Demaretus’ deposition from the kingdom thus it happened and Demaretus fled from Sparta to the Medes because of a reproach like this: after the deposition from the kingdom Demaretus was ruling, because he had been chosen, in a position of rulership. It was indeed the festival of Naked Boys and, Demaretus watching, Leutychides, who had become by then king instead of him, sent an attendant for a laugh and a mock and was asking Demaretus what kind of a thing was ruling after being king. Then he, being pained at the asking on, spoke by asserting that he himself of both by then had made trial, while that one had not, and that that asking on, however, would begin for the Lacedaemonians either myriad evil or myriad happiness. So, having said that and having covered himself completely, he went from the theater to his house and immediately, having prepared himself, he was sacrificing to Zeus an ox. Then, after he had sacrificed, he called his mother.

And of his mother, when she had come, he put into the hands of her some of the inwards and was making entreaty earnestly by saying words like this: “O mother, laying hold down on all the other gods and Zeus of the fence here, I entreat you to point out to me the truth. Who is my father by a correct speech? For Leutychides made an assertion in the quarrels by saying you, being pregnant by your former husband, thus went to Ariston, and others an even more foolish speech speak and assert that you went to the ass-keeper among the members of the household and I am his child. Hence I go after you by the gods to speak the truth; for both, if you have done any of what’s being said, you are not quite the only to have performed the doing, but are with many women, and the speech is prevalent in Sparta that in Ariston no seed productive of children was, because there would have brought forth for him also his former wives”.

He indeed was saying words like that and she replied with this: “O child, since you go after me with entreaties to speak the truth, everything true to you will be said utterly. When Ariston had brought me for himself into his house, the third night after the first there went to me an apparition that made itself seen like Ariston and, after it had shared the bed, the crowns that it had it put on me. And it was gone and there was present after that Ariston. Then, when he had seen me with crowns, he was asking who was my giver and I asserted he, but he refused to admit it. Then I took an oath in opposition and asserted for myself that he was not acting beautifully in making a denial, because a little somewhat before, after he had gone and shared the bed, he had given me the crowns. So seeing I was swearing in opposition, Ariston learned that the matter was divine. In fact, on the one hand, the crowns manifestly were from the hero’s shrine set up by the doors of the courtyard, which they call Astrabacus’, and, on the other, the prophets were answering that the hero was that same one. Thus, o child, you have every single thing that in fact you want to learn by inquiry. For either you have been born of that hero and your father is Astrabacus the hero or Ariston is; for on that night I conceived you. And where your enemies lay hold down on you most by saying that Ariston himself, when to him you had been announced as having been born, while many were hearing, asserted that you were not his, since the time not yet had not gone out, because of lack of knowledge of things like that that one cast away that saying. For women bring forth after both nine months and seven months, because in fact not all bring out to the end ten months, and I, o child, brought you forth after seven months. Moreover, even Ariston himself came to know not after a long time that because of lack of thinking he had thrown out that saying. Now, other speeches about your birth stop receiving; for you have heard all that’s most true. And from ass-keepers for Leutychides himself and those who give those accounts may their wives bring forth children”.

She indeed was saying that and he, having learned by inquiry what he wanted and taken things for the way, made his way to Elis and by his speech asserted that to Delphi to consult for an oracle the oracle he made his way. But the Lacedaemonians, having suspected that Demaretus was laying his hand on running, were pursuing. And somehow Demaretus anticipated them in crossing to Zacynthus from Elis and the Lacedaemonians, having crossed after, laid hold of him and took away his servants from him. Then afterwards, because the Zacynthians would not give him up, thence he crossed to Asia to King Darius. And he received him in grandly and gave land and cities. Thus came to Asia Demaretus and he made use of a fortune like that, one who in numerous other respects to the Lacedaemonians by deeds and opinions had become brilliant, and moreover indeed also an Olympic victory on them, when he had taken up hold of it for himself with a team of four horses, he conferred, the only one of quite all those who had become kings in Sparta to have done that.
 
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 So Leutychides, Menares’ son, when Demaretus had been deposed, succeeded to the kingdom and to him was born a child, Zeuxidemus, and it was he whom indeed some of the Spartiates were calling Cyniskus. That Zeuxidemus became not king of Sparta: for before Leutychides he met his end and he left a child, Archidemus. Then Leutychides, bereft of Zeuxidemus, married a second wife, Eurydame, who was Menius’ sister and Diactorides’ daughter, of whom to him no male was born, but a daughter, Lampito, whom Archidemus, Zeuxidemus’ son, married, when Leutychides had given her to him.

No, not even Leutychides was growing old in Sparta, but a payment like this for Demaretus he paid out: he was general at Thessaly and, it being possible to cause all to be under his hand for himself, he received a bribe of much silver and, caught in the act right there in the camp of sitting on a glove full of silver, he was exiled fom Sparta, after he had been brought under a place of judgement’s power, and his house was demolished. So he was exiled at Tegea and met his end in that land.

That indeed happened later in time and then, when for Cleomenes the affair against Demaretus had been set afoot, immediately he took over Leutychides and went against the Aeginetians, because an awful grudge against them on account of their public muddying he had. Thus indeed both the Aeginetians, both kings being present against them, thought no longer just to stand in opposition and those, having selected for themselves the ten men among the Aeginetians worth the most in both wealth and birth, were leading both others and, in particular, Crius, Polycritus’ son, and Casambus, Aristocrates’ son, the very ones who had greatest might, and, having led them to Attic land, they put them down for themselves as a deposit among those most hostile to the Aeginetians, the Athenians.

Then after that of Cleomenes, when he had become detected in having acted evilly with art against Demaretus, a fear of the Spartiates took hold and he secretly got out to Thessaly. And, having come thence to Arcadia, he was doing newer deeds by causing the Arcadians to stand against Sparta and he was bringing other oaths to them that yea verily they would follow him wherever he led them out and, in particular, to the city of Nonacris he was eager those among the Arcadians who were the chiefs to fetch and to make swear strongly by Styx’ water, as in that city is said to be by the Arcadians Styx’ water and, in particular, it is something like this: a little water appears from a rock and drips into a bowl and round the bowl runs a circle of walling. And Nonacris, in which that spring in fact is, is a city in Arcadia near Pheneus.

Then having learned that Cleomenes was doing that, the Lacedaemonians were leading him back in fear on the same terms as those on which also previously he was ruling. And when he had gone back, immediately a madness, an illness, overtook him, although he was even previously somewhat more crazy: for whenever he happened on any of the Spartiates, he dashed against the face his scepter.

So, because he was doing that and had become out of his wits, his relatives bound him in wood. Then he, bound, when he had seen his guard had been left alone, apart from all the others, demanded a dagger and, when he wanted at the first not to give it, was threatening what he would do to him when he was released, until in fear at the threats the guard, because he was one of the helots, gave him a dagger. So Cleomenes, having taken over the iron instrument, began from his shins to multilate himself; for in cutting superficially lengthwise the parts of his flesh he went on progressively from his shins to his thighs and from his thighs to his hips and his flanks, until he came to his belly and by slicing that died in a manner like that, in that, as the greater number of the Greeks say, he had persuaded Pythia to give the account about Demaretus, or on account of the fact that, as the Athenians say, he had thrown into Eleusis and was shearing the precinct of the gods, or in that, as the Argives say, from their shrine of Argos those of the Argives who had taken refuge after the battle he was bringing down and chopping up and, holding the grove itself in lack of account, he had burned it down.

For to Cleomenes, when he was consulting the prophet in Delphi, an oracle was given that he would take Argos. And when, leading the Spartiates, he had come to the river Erasinus, which is said to flow from the Stymphelian lake --for indeed that lake disembogues into an invisible chasm and reappears in Argos and thence by then that water is called Erasinus by the Argives-- hence Cleomenes, having come to that river, was sacrificing for himself to it. Because in fact the omens were not favorable to cross it, he asserted he admired the Erasinus for not betraying its fellow-citizens, but not even thus would the Argives be unpunished. Then afterwards he went back out and brought the host down to Thyrea and, when he had sacrificed to the sea a bull, in boats he brought them to the Tirynsian country and Nauplia.

Then the Argives were coming to the rescue, when they were learning of that by inquiry, to the sea. And when they were coming to be near Tiryns and in that place, to which is given Sepeia as a name, having left open no great space between the armies, they sat opposite the Lacedaemonians. There indeed the Argives were not afraid of battle in the open, but lest by treachery they be taken. For in fact indeed for them to that matter the oracle was relating that Pythia had proclaimed in common to those and the Milesians and was speaking this way:

Well, whenever the female the male in defeat
Drives out and glory among the Argives raises up,
Many women of Argives cheeks torn then she’ll make.
Thus someday a human being too who’ll be’ll say :
“A dread serpent thrice-coiled perished tamed by lance”

All that indeed, having come together, was furnishing fear to the Argives. And indeed to them thereupon it seemed good to make use of the herald of their enemies and, it having seemed good to them, they acted like this: whenever the Spartiate herald indicated anything forth to the Lacedaemonians, the Argives also did that same thing.

So Cleomenes, having learned the Argives did whatever at all their herald indicated, announced off to them that, whenever the herald indicated they should have breakfast, then they should take up their arms and go against the Argives. That in fact came to be brought to completion by the Lacedaemonians; for to the Argives, while they were having breakfast on the basis of the herald’s proclamation, they applied themselves and many of them they killed and somewhat far more, when they had taken refuge in the grove of Argos, they were sitting round and guarding.

Then thereafter Cleomenes was acting like this: as he had men, deserters, and was learning by inquiry from those, he was calling forth by sending a herald and speaking of by name those of the Argives who had been shut off in the shrine and he was calling forth them and asserting that he had their ransom. And as ransom on the Peloponnesians is imposed two minae for a man captured by spear for paying out. Hence indeed about fifty of the Argives, them each in their own way, Cleomenes was calling forth for himself and killing. And that somehow, while it was happening, had escaped the noticed of those left in the precinct; for, inasmuch as the grove was thick, those within could not see those without, in what way they were faring, at any rate until indeed one of them went up on a tree and saw below what was being done. Hence indeed no longer, when they were being called, would they go out.

Thereupon indeed Cleomenes was bidding every one of the helots make a pile with wood round the grove and, when they had obeyed, he burned down the grove. And, when it was being burnt, by then he asked one of the deserters whose among the gods was the grove, and he asserted it was Argos’. Then he, when he had heard, he let out a loud sigh and said, “O Apollo of the oracle, verily greatly you have deceived me by asserting for yourself that I would take Argos. And I suppose the oracle is fulfilled for me”.

Then after that Cleomenes let go away the greater part of his host to go away to Sparta and he himself took the thousand best men and went to Hera’s temple to sacrifice. And, when he wanted to sacrifice on the altar, the priest was forbidding it and asserted it was not holy for a stranger to sacrifice on the very spot. So Cleomenes bade the helots bring away from the altar and whip the priest and he himself sacrificed. And, having done that, he went away to Sparta.

Then, when he had returned, his enemies were bringing him under the power of the ephors and asserted for themselves that he had received a bribe and not taken Argos, it being possible for him to take it easily. But he said to them --neither whether by way of falsifying nor whether by way of saying a true statement am I able to speak distinctly-- anyhow, he said and asserted for himself that, when indeed he had taken Argos’ shrine, it seemed to him the oracle of the god had been fulfilled; hence thereupon he thought not just to make trial of the city, at least before indeed he should consult shrines and learn whether the god would perform a giving over or stand in the way. So for him, while he was seeking omens in Hera’s temple, from the image’s chest a flame of fire shone forth and he himself learned thus the truth, that he would not take Argos; for, if from the head of the image it had shone forth, he would have taken the city citadel and all, but, since it had shone forth from the chest, everything had been done by him that the god wanted to happen. So, by saying that, credible and reasonable statements he seemed to the Spartiates to say and fled far from his pursuers.

So Argos of men was so bereaved that their slaves got hold of all the affairs and they were ruling and managing until the sons of those who had perished came to manhood. Thereafter those in reacquiring Argos back for themselves threw them out and, when they being thrust out, the slaves by battle got hold of Tiryns. For a while indeed for them things were friendly in relation to each other, but thereafter to the slaves went a man, a prophet, Cleander, who in birth was a Phigalian from Arcadia. That one convinced the slaves to apply themselves to their masters and from that time war was theirs for a long time, until indeed with difficulty the Argives prevailed.

Now, the Argives on account of that assert that Cleomenes went mad and perished evilly and the Spartiates themselves assert that from no divine source Cleomenes went mad, but, when he had consorted with the Scythians, he became a drinker of undiluted wine and from that went mad. For the pastoral Scythians, when Darius had thrown into their country, after that desired to exact a price from him and, after they had sent to Sparta, they were forming an allliance and were agreeing that the Scythians themselves had along the Phasis river try to throw into the Median land and they had to bid the Spartiates, making their base on Ephesus, go up and thereafter meet at the same place. So Cleomenes, they say, after the Scythians were present for that, was consorting with them more greatly and, consorting more than what was becoming, he learned the drinking of undiluted wine from them. And from that he went mad the Spartiates believe. Since so long a time, as they themselves say, whenever they want to have a purer drink, they say, “Act on Scythian”. Thus indeed the Spartiates give the account about Cleomenes and it seems to me that that as payment Cleomenes to Demaretus paid out.

Then, after Cleomenes had met his end, when the Aeginetians had learned of it by inquiry, they were sending to Sparta messengers to shout out against Leutychides concerning those who were being held as hostages in Athens. So the Lacedaemonians, having brought together a place of judgement, decided that the Aeginetians had been treated very insolently by Leutychides and they condemned him surrendered to be brought to Aegina in compensation for the men who were being held in Athens. And, when the Aeginetians were to bring Leutychides, there said to them Theasides, Leoprepes’ son, who was an esteemed man in Sparta, “What are you taking counsel to do, men of Aegina? The king of the Spartiates, after he has become surrendered by his fellow-citizens, to bring? If now, making use of anger, the Spartiates thus gave judgement, see that at a later time they not for you, if you do that, anything completely destructive throw into your country”. Having heard that, the Aeginetians held themselves from the bringing and made use of an agreement like this, that Leutychides attend on them to Athens and give back to the Aeginetians the men.

And, when, having come to Athens, Leutychides was demanding back the deposit, the Athenians were drawing out excuses, because they wanted not to perform a giving back, and asserted that they, being two kings, made the deposit and they thought not just for one without the other to perform a giving back. So, since the Athenians were asserting for themselves that they would not perform a giving back, there said to them Leutychides this: “O Athenians, do whatever you yourselves want; for in fact, if you perform a giving back, you perform a holy act and, if you do not perform a giving back, the contrary of that. However, what kind of a thing in Sparta happened to come about concerning a deposit, I want to speak to you. We Spartiates say there came to be in Lacedaemon during the third generation back from me Glaucus, Epicydes’ son. That man, we assert, attained to all the other first things and, in particular, was spoken of best concerning justice of all who were settled in Lacedaemon during that time. And it happened to him in a becoming time this we say, that a Milesian man, having come to Sparta, wanted to go to speeches with him and was putting forth a proposal like this: ‘I am a Milesian and have come, because I want of yours, Glaucus, the justice to have the benefit of. For, since indeed throughout all the rest of Greece and moreover also round Ionia of your justice was much speech, I was giving speech to myself both in that Ionia from time immemorial on each and every occasion has been in danger, while the Peloponnese is safely set up and on account of the fact that it is not at all possible to see the same ones’ having money, and hence, when I was considering that and taking counsel, it seemed good to me to turn half of my property to silver and deposit it for myself with you, since I knew well that for me it would lie with you safe and sound. You indeed for me both receive the money and keep bringing to safety and take hold of these as tokens. And to that one, whoever has those and performs a demanding back, perform a giving back’. The stranger who had come from Miletus said that much and Glaucus received the deposit on the stated condition. Then, when a long time had gone by, there went to Sparta the children of that one who had deposited the money for himself and, when they had gone to speeches with Glaucus and were showing forth the tokens, they were demanding back the money. But he was performing a thrusting aside for himself and offering in reply an answer like this: ‘Neither do I remember the matter nor does any of those accounts you are giving bring me round to knowing and I want to remember and do everything just, that is, in fact, if I performed a taking hold, to perform a giving back correctly. And, if at any rate to begin with I performed no taking hold, I will make use of the laws of the Greeks against you. Hence that decision for you I am putting off ratifying to the fourth month from this time’.

“Then the Milesians, considering it a misfortune, departed, on the ground that they had been bereaved of their money, and Glaucus was making his way to Delphi to consult the oracle for an oracle. So, when he was asking of the oracle whether with an oath he should pirate away the money, Pythia went after him with these epic verses:

Glaucus, Epicydes’, forthwith is more gain thus
With oath to win and money to pirate away.
Swear, since death awaits even a man of good oath.
But Oath’s son is nameless; both no hands are on him
And no feet and swift he goes after until all
The born he grasps and destroys and quite all the house.
But a man of good oath’s line’s better hereafter.

“Having heard that, Glaucus was begging the god to hold out a pardon for him for what had been said. Then Pythia asserted to make trial of the god and to perform the act had equal power. Glaucus indeed, having sent for the Milesian strangers, gave them back their money. And the reason for which this account, o Athenians, was begun to be said to you will be said: now neither Glaucus’ is any descendant at all nor any hearth considered to be Glaucus’; in short, he has been completely wiped out of Sparta from the roots. Thus it’s good not even to have another thought, at any rate, concerning a deposit than, when men are performing a demanding back, to perform a giving back”. Leutychides, having said that, when to him not even thus would the Athenians listen, departed.

And the Aeginetians, before they paid the penalties for the earlier injustices that they had insolently done to the Athenians in gratifying the Thebans, acted like this: finding fault with the Athenians and supposing that they were wronged, with the intention that they would exact punishment they prepared themselves. Because in fact there was indeed for the Athenians a festival that took place every five years at Sunium, hence having laid in wait for the sightseeing ship, they gained hold of it full of the first Athenian men and, when they had taken hold of the men, they bound them.

Then the Athenians, having suffered that at the Aeginetians’ hands, no longer were putting off contriving their all against the Aeginetians. Because in fact there was a Nicodromus, who Cnoethus’ son was called, an esteemed man in Aegina, that one who was finding fault with the Aeginetians for the earlier driving out of himself from the island and had learned then that the Athenians were willing to treat the Aeginetians badly, he compacted with the Athenians a betrayal of Aegina and pointed out the day on which he would lay hands on and in which those would have to be present and come to the rescue. After that Nicodemus took complete hold of, according as he had compacted with the Athenians, the city that was called the ancient, but the Athenians came not to be present opportunely.

For in fact there were not theirs ships battle-worthy to give battle to those of the Aeginetians. Hence, while they were requesting of the Corinthians to lend them ships, in that time their affairs were destroyed. Then the Corinthians, because they were to them during that time friends in the highest degree, gave the Athenians at their requesting twenty ships and gave them by selling them at five drachmas apiece; for a gift in their law it was not permitted to give. So the Athenians, having taken those and their own and having filled seventy ships in all, were sailing for Aegina and came one day later than the agreed on.

Then Nicodromus, when the Athenians came not to be present at the right time, stepped into a boat and ran away from Aegina and with him others too from among the Aeginetians followed, to whom the Athenians gave Sunium to settle in. And there those made their base and they robbed and plundered the Aeginetians on the island.

That indeed was happening later and the rich among the Aeginetians over the people, when they had stood up against them together with Nicodemus, gained mastery and thereafter, having worsted them, they were leading them out for destroying. And because of that in fact a pollution came about for them that they proved not able to expiate with sacrifices, although they were making contrivances; rather they did not act in time, as they were thrown out of the island earlier before the goddess proved propitious to them. For indeed having captured alive seven hundred of the people, they were leading them out with the intention that they would destroy them and some one person among them, having escaped from his bonds, fled down to the doorways of Demeter the statute-bringer and, having taken hold on the door-knobs, was clinging to them. And they, when they were proving not able to draw him away by dragging him away, cut off his hands and were leading him thus and those hands were in state of clutching onto the door-knobs.

Now, that against themselves the Aeginetians worked out and with the Athenians at their being present they fought a naval battle with seventy ships and, having been worsted in the naval battle, they called on the same ones as previously, the Argives. And indeed for them those would no longer come to the rescue, because they were finding fault that ships of Aegina, taken with force by Cleomenes, kept at the Argolid country and joined with the Lacedaemonians in landing and there joined in landing also men from Sicyonian ships in that same invasion. And on them by the Argives was imposed as a penalty to pay out a thousand talents, five hundred each. Now, the Sicyonians, having admitted that they had acted unjustly, agreed to pay out a hundred talents and be free of payment, but the Aeginetians both refused to make an admission for themselves and were more stubborn. Indeed on account of that for them at their requesting from the public force no one of the Argives any longer came to the rescue, but voluntarily to the number of a thousand and there was leading them as general, Eurybates, a man who practiced the pentathlon. Of those the greater number returned not away back, but they met with their end through the agency of the Athenians in Aegina, and their general himself, Eurybates, by practicing single combat three men in a manner like that killed and through the agency of the fourth, Sophanes, Deceles’ son, died.

And the Aeginetians, when the Athenians were in disarray, having given battle to them with their ships, won and of four ships of theirs with their men and all they took hold.

By the Athenians indeed war was joined against the Aeginetians, and the Persian was doing his own deed, seeing that his servant on each and every occasion was reminding him to remember the Athenians and the sons of Peisistratus were engaged in a sitting down against and slandering the Athenians, while at the same time he, Darius, wanted to cling to that pretext and subject those of Greece who had not given him earth and water. Mardonius indeed, who had fared poorly with his expedition, he discharged from his generalship and, having appointed other generals, he was dispatching them off against Eretria and Athens, Datis, being a Mede in birth, and Artaphrenes, Artaphrenes’ son, his own brother’s son. So he was sending them away with the injunction to lead into complete captivity Athens and Eretria and bring the captives up into his sight.

And, when those generals who had been appointed in making their way from the king had come in Cilicia to the Aleian plain and at the same time were bringing with themselves a large and well-prepared foot army, thereupon up on them, while they were encamping, came the whole naval army that had been assigned to each and also the horse-bringing ships came to be present, which the year before Darius had proclaimed to his tributary ones to make ready. Then, having put the horses into those and made the foot army step in, he was sailing with six hundred triremes to Ionia and thence not alongside the mainland they were keeping the ships straight to the Hellespont and Thrace, but, making their base on Samos, alongside Icarus and through islands they were accomplishing their sailing, as far as for my part it seems to me, in fear most of the sailing round Athos, in that the year before in engaging in their conveyance there they stumbled greatly and, in addition, Naxos was compelling them since it had not been captured previously.

And when in approaching from the Icarian open sea they had reached Naxos, because against that indeed first the Persians were intending to advance with an army, the Naxians, remembering the previous events, were fleeing to the mountains and were gone and waited behind not. Then the Persians, having led into captivity those of them that they had overtaken, burned down both the shrines and the city. And, having done that, for all the other islands they were leading themselves out to sea.

And in the time when those were doing that, the Delians, even themselves, having abandoned Delos, fled and were gone to Tenos. Then, his host sailing down, Datis sailed in front and allowed the ships not to come to anchor at Delos, but on the other side in Rhenaea and he himself,having learned by inquiry where the Delians were was sending a herald and saying publicly this: “Holy men, why have you fled and are gone, after you have formed no suitable opinions against? For I, even myself, am minded for so great a thing at any rate and on me by the king this way it has been enjoined, that country, in which the two gods were born, not to harm, neither the country itself nor its inhabitants. Therefore, now both go away to your own places and inhabit your island”. That message he sent by herald to the Delians and afterwards three hundred talents of frankincense he piled on the altar and burnt.

Datis indeed, having done that, was sailing together with his army against Eretria first and at the same time was bringing with himself both Ionians and Aeolians. Then, after that one’s having been brought up and out thence, Delos was set in motion and, as the Delians say, was made to undergo the first and the last shaking up to my time. And that, I suppose, as a portent for human beings of the evils that were to be the god brought to light. For in the time of Darius, Hystaspes’ son, and Xerxes, Darius’ son, and Artaxerxes, Xerxes’ son, of those three generations consecutively, there came to be more evils for Greece than over the extent of the twenty generations that had come to be before Darius, and some in consequence of the Persians came to be for it and some in consequence of the chief peoples themselves’ waging war concerning the rule. Thus it was nothing unnatural that Delos was set in motion, when it had been unmoved previously. Also in an oracle it was written concerning about it this way:

I’ll move even Delos, although it was unmoved.

And those names mean in the Greek, Darius “Doer”, Xerxes “Warrior”, Artaxerxes “Great Warrior”. Those kings indeed this way correctly in their own language the Greeks would call.

So the barbarians, when they had lifted off from Delos, touched at the islands and thence they were taking over a host and taking as hostages the islanders’ children. Then, when in their sailing round the islands they had touched at Carystus too, because indeed not to them would the Carystians either give hostages or assert that against neighboring cities they should advance with an army and they meant Eretria and Athens, thereupon they were beseiging those and clearing their land, until the Carystians too stood near to the Persians’ opinion.

So the Eretrians, learning by inquiry that the Persian host was sailing against them, requested of the Athenians that they become their rescuers and the Athenians refused not the succour; rather four thousand who had the Chalcidian horse-rearers’ lots of the country, those, to them they gave as helpers. But the Eretrians’ was, after all, no healthy plan, who were sending for the Athenians and had in mind two forms of thought. For some of them were taking counsel to abandon their city for the heights of Euboea and others of them, expecting private gains they would win from the Persians, were preparing for themselves a betrayal. Then having learned each of the two of those how they were, Aeschines, Nothon’s son, being the first among the Eretrians, pointed out to those of the Athenians who were present all the matters that were on hand for them and was requesting besides them to depart to their own land that they might not perish besides. So the Athenians obeyed Aeschines when he had advised that.

And those, having crossed to Oropus, were bringing themselves to safety, while the Persians in their sailing landed their ships in the Eretrian country off Tamynae, Choereae and Aegilia and, having landed at those spots, they immediately were putting out for themselves horses and preparing themselves with the intention that they would apply themselves to their enemies. Then the Eretrians were not taking a counsel to go out in opposition and battle and if in any way they should guard their walls thoroughly, concerning that to them it was a care, since not abandoning the city was prevailing. So, an assault becoming fierce against the wall, there were falling for six days many of both groups and the seventh Euphorbus, Alcimachus’ son and Philagrus, Cynees’ son, esteemed men among the townspeople, made a betrayal to the Persians. Then they, having gone onto the city, on the one hand, plundered and burnt down the shrines, because they were taking revenge for the shrines that had been consumed by fire in Sardis, and, on the other, led into captivity the human beings in accordance with Darius’ injunctions.

So having worsted Eretria and paused a few days, they were sailing to the Attic land and they were producing a large penning in and thinking that the same to the Athenians they would do that also to the Eretrians they had done. Because in fact Marathon was the most suitable spot in Attica to ride horses in and nearest to Eretria, to that spot Hippies, Peisistratus’ son was leading them down.
 
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 Then the Athenians, when they had learned that by inquiry, were coming to the rescue, even themselves, to Marathon and ten generals were leading them, of whom the tenth was Miltiades, whose father Cimon, Stesagores’ son, it had befallen to go in exile out of Athens from Peisistratus, Hippocrates’ son. And for him, while he was exiled, it occurred to take up for himself an Olympic victory with a team of four horses and, having taken up for himself that victory, he carried off for himself the same prize as his brother by the same mother, Miltiades. Then afterwards at the next Olympic games he, winning with the same horses, gave over to Peisistratus to be heralded victor and by letting the victory go by to that one he went down from exile to his own property under truce. And him, when he had taken up for himself with the same horses another Olympic victory, it befell to die at the hands of Peisistratus’ sons, because Peisistratus himself was no longer surviving, and those killed him by the townhall at night after they had placed men in ambush. So Cimon was buried in front of the town on the other side of that road that is called “Through Hollow Land” and down opposite him the mares are buried, those that had taken up for themselves three Olympic victories. And also other mares by now did the same, Euagores the Laconian’s, and none more than those. Indeed the older of the sons of Cimon, Stesagores, was at that time being brought up at his father’s brother Miltiades’ in the Chersonese and the younger at Cimon himself’s at Athens and had as a name after the founder of the Chersonese Miltiades “Miltiades”.

That Miltiades indeed then at that time, being present from the Chersonese and having escaped a double death, was general of the Athenians. For partly the Phoenicians who pursued after him up to Imbros were considering worth much to take hold of and bring him up to the king and partly, after he had escaped those and come to his own land and was thinking that he was in safety, thereafter his enemies, having received him under themselves and under the power of a place of judgement having led him, prosecuted him for tyranny in the Chersonese. Then he, having escaped from those too, thus was appointed general of the Athenians, after he had been chosen by the people.

And first, when the generals were still in the town, they sent away to Sparta a herald, Philippides, an Athenian man and besides a long-distance runner and one who made that a care, and it was he with whom indeed, as Philippides himself was saying and was announcing out to the Athenians, round the Parthenian mountain over Tegea Pan fell in. And, when he had shouted the name of Philippides, Pan bade announce out to the Athenians on what account they paid no heed to him, although he was well-disposed to the Athenians and in many ways had proven by then useful to them, and in matters besides also would be. And that the Athenians, when their affairs were established well for them, trusted to be true and set up beneath the acropolis Pan’s shrine, and him in consequence of that announcement with yearly sacrifices and a torch-race they propitiate.

That Philippides, at that time having been sent by the generals right when he was asserting that to him in fact Pan had appeared, the next day from the Athenians’ town he was in Sparta and, having come to the rulers, he said, “O Lacedaemonians, the Athenians request of you to come to their rescue and not overlook the most ancient city among the Greeks’ falling into slavery at the hands of barbarian men; for in fact Eretria has been led into captivity and by a city to speak of Greece has become more lacking in strength”. He indeed was announcing out what had been enjoined on him and them it pleased to come to the rescue of the Athenians, but it was impossible for them at the immediate moment to do that, because they wanted not to break their law; for it was of the month’s beginning the ninth and the ninth they would not go out they asserted, the disk not being full.

Now, those were waiting for the full moon and leading the barbarians down to Marathon was Hippies, Peisistratus’ son, after in the night gone by he had seen a vision like this: Hippies thought that with his own mother he shared a bed. Hence he reckoned on the basis of his dream that, after he went down to Athens and brought back to safety for himself the rule, he would meet his end in his own land an old man. Indeed on the basis of the vision he reckoned that and at that time in his performing the leading down, on the one hand, the captives from Eretria he made step out onto the island of the Styrians and that was called Aegilia and, on the other, when the ships were being brought down to Marathon, that one was bringing them to anchor and, when the barbarians had stepped out onto land, he was arranging them. And over him, when he was managing that, came sneezing and coughing more greatly than as he was accustomed and, inasmuch as he was an older person, the greater number of his teeth were being shaken. Hence one of those he cast forth by force, when he coughed, and, it having fallen into the sand, he exerted much eagerness to discover it. But when the tooth was not appearing to him, he groaned aloud and said to the bystanders, “This land is not ours and we will not be able to bring it under our hand, but however so great a part was mine as a share, my tooth has as a share”.

Hippies indeed in that way reckoned his vision had come out and to the Athenians, who were marshalled in the sacred precinct of Heracles, the Plataeians with the whole people went and came to the rescue; for in fact both the Plataeians had given themselves to the Athenians and the Athenians had taken upon themselves numerous toils on their behalf by then. And they performed the giving this way: when they were oppressed by the Thebans, the Plataeians tried to give themselves at first to Cleomenes, Anaxandrides’ son, and the Lacedaemonians, when they were in fact near. But they would not receive them and said this: “We are settled farther and for you there would be given a cold succour like this: namely, often you would be led in captivity utterly before any of us learned of it by inquiry. So we advise you to give yourselves to the Athenians, men of nearby places and who are not bad at giving aid.”

That the Lacedaemonians advised not so much in accordance with good will for the Plataeians as because they wanted the Athenians to have toils in their coming to grips with the Boeotians. Now, the Lacedaemonians gave that advice to the Plataeians and they disobeyed not; rather, when the Athenians making sacred offerings to the twelve gods, as suppliants they sat at the altar and gave themselves.

Then the Thebans, having learned of that by inquiry, were advancing with an army against the Plataeians, and the Athenians were coming to their rescue. So, when they were to join battle, the Corinthians overlooked it not, but, having in fact been nearby and made a reconciliation when both groups had entrusted them, they formed the boundaries of the country on this condition, that the Thebans leave alone those of the Boeotians who wanted not to be counted among the Boeotians. The Corinthians indeed, having decided that, departed, and to the Athenians, as they were going away, the Boeotians applied themselves and, having applied themselves, they were worsted in the battle. Then the Athenians, having crossed the boundaries that the Corinthians had made to be for the Plataeians, those having crossed, they fixed the Asopus itself to be a boundary for the Thebans towards the Plataeians and Hysiae. The Plataeians gave indeed themselves to the Athenians in the manner stated and they were present at that time at Marathon in their coming to the rescue.

So for the Athenians’ generals the opinions came to be in two, as some were not allowing giving battle, because they were too few to give battle to the host of the Medes, and some as well as Miltiades were bidding it. Then when they came to be in two and the inferior of the opinions was prevailing, thereupon, because he who had obtained by lot by means of the bean to be polemarch was an eleventh caster of a voting pebble, as anciently the Athenians had awarded the polemarch with a voting pebble of similar power to the generals’, and at that time the polemarch was Callimachus, an Aphidnian, to that one went Miltiades and said this: “On you now, Callimachus, is to either enslave utterly Athens or make it free and a memorial leave behind for yourself like that that not even Harmodius and Aristogeiton did. For now indeed, since the time when the Athenians came into being, they are present at the greatest danger and, if at any rate they bow down to the Medes, it has been shown what they will suffer when they are given over to Hippies and, if that city survives, it is able to prove first of the Greek cities. Hence how indeed it is possible for that to happen and how to you, mind you, it pertains in those matters to have the deciding voice, now I am going to point out. Of us generals, being ten, in two the opinions come to be, as some are bidding give battle and some not. Now, if we join not battle, I expect a great faction will shake thoroughly in its onfall the Athenians’ thoughts so as for them to medize, but if we join battle before anything corrupt in fact in some of the Athenians comes about, if gods make equal distributions, we are able to overcome in the giving battle. Hence all that to you now stretches and on you depends; for if you assent to my opinion, there is for you a free fatherland and the first city of those in Greece, but if that of those who are advising against giving battle you take hold of, there will belong to you the opposite of the goods that I described”.

By saying that Miltiades won over Callimachus and, when the polemarch’s opinion came to be added, it was ratified to give battle. Then afterwards the generals, whose opinion was to give battle, when it came to be the presidency of each of them for the day, gave it over to Miltiades, and he received it and not in any way yet was giving a battle, at least before indeed it came to be his presidency.

But when it had gone round to him, thereupon indeed the Athenians were stationed this way with the intention that they would do battle: of the right wing the polemarch was leader, because the law at that time was thus for the Athenians, for the polemarch to have the right wing. So, that one leading, there followed after, as they were numbered, the tribes and were next to each other and last were stationed the Plataeians and they had the left wing. For in consequence of the battle for them, when the Athenians are conducting sacrifices at the festival gatherings that are made on the occasion of the intervals of five years, the Athenian herald prays by saying that the good things should become at the same time the Athenians’ and the Plataeians. Then at that time, the Athenians being stationed in Marathon, there came to be something like this: the camp, becoming equal to the Median camp, its middle, came to be over a few lines --and there the camp was most lacking in strength-- and, each wing, had strength in multitude.

So, when it had been arranged by them and the victims were proving beautiful, thereupon, when the Athenians had been let go, by running they rushed to the barbarians. And no fewer stades were the space of their armies than eight. Then the Persians, because they saw that they were going in opposition, were preparing themselves with the intention that they would receive them and were imputing to the Athenians a madness and a completely destructive one, because they saw they were few and those by running hastened, although neither horse belonged to them nor archers. Now, that the barbarians surmised, but the Athenians, when all together they had mixed with the barbarians, fought in a manner worthy of account. For they were the first of all the Greeks that we know of running into enemies to make use and the first to hold up under seeing Median clothing and the men clothed in that. And until then for the Greeks even to hear the name of the Medes was a cause of fear.

So, while they were fighting in Marathon, a long time passed, and over the middle of the camp the barbarians were prevailing, where the Persians themselves and the Saciians were stationed; at just that spot the barbarians were prevailing and they broke through and were giving pursuit into the inland country, but over each wing the Athenians and the Plataeians were prevailing. Then in their prevailing the routed part of the barbarians they let flee and those of them who had broken through their middle, when they had brought together their wings, they fought and they, the Athenians, were prevailing. Then the Persians who were fleeing they followed and were striking, until, having come to the sea, they were demanding fire and were catching hold for themselves of the ships.

And, in one case, in that toil the polemarch was destroyed, a man who had proven good, and there died among the generals Stesileos, Thrasyleos’ son, in another, Cynegeirus, Euphorion’s son, thereupon, while he was catching hold for himself of the figurehead of a ship, was cut off at his hand with an axe and fell and, in another, many other named ones among the Athenians.

Indeed over seven of the ships the Athenians got mastery in a manner like that, but with those left the barbarians, after they had pushed themselves off and up and taken up the captives fron Eretria from the island on which they had left them, sailed round Sunium, because they wanted to anticipate the Athenians in coming to the town. And blame had them among the Athenians for having put that thought in their mind on the basis of the Alcmeonids’ contrivance, namely, for those men’s having compacted with the Persians and having shown them a shield raised up by then, when they were in their ships.

Those indeed sailed round Sunium, but the Athenians, as fast as they were in feet, came to the rescue to the town and acted in anticipation in coming before the barbarians were present and they encamped, after they had come from the temple of Heracles in Marathon, in another temple of Heracles in Cynosarges. Then the barbarians with their ships lay at anchor off Phalerum, because that was a naval harbor at that time of the Athenians and, after off that spot they had rode their ships at anchor, sailed away back to Asia.

In that battle in Marathon there died among the barbarians about six thousand four hundred men and among the Athenians a hundred ninety two. There fell among both groups so many and there happened on that very spot to come about a marvel like this: an Athenian man, Epizelus, Couphagores’ son, while in the coming to grips he was fighting and proving a good man, was deprived of his eyes, although he had been neither struck on any part of his body nor hit and the remainder of his life continued after that time to be blind. And I heard he gave about his suffering an account like this: a man, a hoplite, seemed to him to stand tall in opposition, whose bearded part overshadowed his shield in its entirety, and that phantom went out and by him and killed the bystander beside him. That account indeed I learned by inquiry Epizelus gave.

Now, Datis was making his way together with his army to Asia and, when he had come to be in Myconos, he saw a vision in his sleep. And what the vision was is not said, but he, as soon as day had shone forth, was undertaking a search of his ships and, when he had found in a Phoenician a gilded image of Apollo, he was inquiring whence it had been plundered and, having learned by inquiry the shrine from which it was, he sailed with his own ship to Delos; for in fact at that time the Delians had come back to their island and he put down for himself in the shrine the image and enjoined on the Delians to bring the image away to the Delium of the Thebans (and that is by the sea opposite Chalcis). Datis indeed, having enjoined that, sailed away, but that statue the Delians brought not away; rather, it after an interval of twenty years the Thebans themselves on the basis of a consultation with a god conveyed for themselves to Delium.

So those of the Eretrians led into captivity Datis and Artaphrenes, when they had touched at Asia in their sailing, brought up to Susa. Now, King Darius, before the Eretrians became captured by the spear, had awful wrath for them, inasmuch as the Eretrians had begun injustice earlier, but when he had seen that they were brought away to him and were under his hand, he did no other evil: rather, he settled them down in the Cissian country in his own station, whose name is Ardericca, that is two hundred ten stades distant from Susa and forty from the well that furnishes from itself three kinds; for in fact asphalt, salts and oil they draw for themselves from it in a manner like this: they are baled up with a swipe and in place of a vessel a half of a skin is tied to it; then, having performed a dipping in with that, one performs a baling up and thereafter performs a pouring into a receptacle; then, from that the stuff is poured thoroughly into something else and turns itself three ways. And the asphalt and the salts are made solid forthwith and the oil --the Persians call that rhadinace-- is then black and a furnisher from itself of unpleasant smell. There the Eretrians King Darius settled down, who even up to my time were having that country and guarding their ancient tongue. Indeed the matters concerning the Eretrians were thus.

And of the Lacedaemonians there were present at Athens two thousand after the full moon with so much eagerness to take hold down on the object that on the third day from Sparta they had come to be in the Attic country. Then, having come later than the giving battle, they desired nevertheless to behold the Medes and, having gone to Marathon, they beheld. Then afterwards they praised the Athenians and their deed and departed back.

Now, it’s a marvel to me and I accept not the account that the Alcmeonids would ever have shown to the Persians on the basis of a compact a shield raised high, because they wanted the Athenians to be under the barbarians and under Hippies, they who more or in a manner similar to Callies, Phaenippus’ son and Hipponicus’ father, manifestly were haters of tyrants. For Callies was the only one of all the Athenians together to dare, whenever Peisistratus was banished from Athens, to buy his property when it was heralded for sale by the public and he contrived all the other most hostile acts against him.

[Of that Callies it is worthwhile on many occasions for everyone to have remembrance. For there’s, in one case, what has been said before, that he was a man excellent in making his fatherland free, in another, what he had done in Olympia --after he had won a victory with a horse, become second with a team of four horses and previously taken up for himself a Pythian victory, he was made illustrious to all the Greeks for great expenses-- and, in another, concerning his own daughters who were three what kind of a man he proved, in that, when they were coming to be at the hour for marriage, he gave them a most magnificent gift and gratified them, because, from all the Athenians whichever man each wished to select out herself for herself, he gave her to that man.]

And the Alcmeonids in the same manner or no less than that one were haters of tyrants. Hence it’s a marvel to me and I let go by for myself not the slander that those at any rate showed a shield raised high, who were fleeing the whole time the tyrants; in short, from the contrivance of those the sons of Peisistratus abandoned the tyranny and thus those were they who had freed Athens far more than indeed Harmodius and Aristogeiton were, as I judge. For they made completely wild those remaining behind of the sons of Peisistratus by killing Hipparchus and in no way more put a stop to men’s being tyrants, but the Alcmeonids openly brought about freedom, if indeed those at any rate truly were the ones who had convinced Pythia to indicate beforehand to the Lacedaemonians that they should free Athens, as by me previously has been made clear.

But perhaps in fact they found some fault with the Athenians’ people and betrayed their fatherland. No, rather there were no other more esteemed men than they, at least among the Athenians, and not those who more were honored. Thus even reason requires that raised up a shield would not have been shown by those at any rate for a reason like that. For raised up a shield was shown and of that it is not possible to speak otherwise --for it happened-- however, about who was the one who had shown it raised up, I am not able to speak farther than that.

Now, the Alcmeonids had been even in origin brilliant in Athens and since Alcmeon and thereafter Megacles they became very brilliant. For, on the one hand, Alcmeon, Megacles’ son, of the Lydians from Sardis, when they were coming from Croesus to the oracle in Delphi, was proving a helper and was giving help eagerly, and Croesus, having learned by inquiry from the Lydians who were going constantly to the oracles that he was treating him well, sent for him for Sardis and, when he had come, he presented him with whichever gold he was able with his body to bring out for himself at one time. So Alcmeon in view of the present, that was like that, contrived and was applying acts like this: having donned a big tunic and a deep fold having left in the tunic and with the buskins that he found were the roomiest having shod himself, he went to the treasury, to which they were leading him down. Then having fallen on a heap of gold-dust, first he stuffed at his shins as much of the gold as the buskins were holding and afterwards, when he had filled up for himself the whole fold with gold, into the hairs of his head sprinkled thoroughly some of the gold-dust and another part taken hold of in his mouth, he went out of the treasury, as he was dragging with difficulty the buskins and resembling every and any thing more than a human being, he of whom the mouth was crammed and all parts were puffed up. So, when Croesus had seen, laughter went into him and to him all that he gave and besides presented him with other pieces no fewer than those. Thus that house became greatly wealthy; in fact, that Alcmeon thus kept a team of four horses and took up for himself an Olympic victory.

Then afterwards, the next generation later, Cleisthenes, the Sicyonian tyrant, raised it so that it became far more named among the Greeks than it had been previously. For to Cleisthenes, Aristonymus’ son, Myron’s son, Andrees’ son, was born a daughter, whose name was Agariste; that one he wished, after he had found the best of all the Greeks together, to that one as a wife to betroth. Hence, when the Olympic games were and he was winning a victory in them with a team of four horses, Cleisthenes brought about a heralding that whoever of the Greeks thought himself worthy to become Cleisthenes’ son-in-law should be present on the sixtieth day or even earlier at Sicyon on the ground that Cleisthenes would ratify the marriage in a year and begin from the sixtieth day. Thereupon all of the Greeks who were puffed up with themselves and their fathers’ land went constantly as suitors, from whom Cleisthenes had made both a running place and a wrestling ring for that very purpose and was maintaining.

Indeed from Italy went Smindyrides, Hippocrates’ son, a Sybaritian, who to quite the greatest degree of luxury for one man had come (and Sybaris was at its greatest peak during that time) and Sirites, a Damasian, the child of Amyris who was spoken of as wise. Those from Italy went and from the Ionian gulf Amphimnestus, Epistrophus’ son, an Epidamnian. That one then was from the Ionian gulf and an Aetolian went, the brother of Titormus who had excelled by nature the Greeks in strength and fled human beings to the extremities of the Aetolian country, of that Titormus, Males. Then from the Peloponnese was the child of Pheidon, the Argives’ tyrant, Leocedes, and of Pheidon, who had made of the measures for the Peloponnesians and acted insolently quite most of all the Greeks together, who had made stand up and away the Elean holders of the contest and himself held the contest in Olympia, the child of that one indeed and Amiantus, Lycourgus’ son, an Arcadian from Trapezous, an Azenian of the city of Paeus, Laphanes, son of Euphormion, who had received, as an account in Arcadia is given, the Dioscori in his house and since that was receiving as guests all human beings, and an Elean, Onomastus, Agaeus’ son. Those indeed from the Peloponnese itself went and from Athens came Megacles, the son of Alcmeon, that one who had come to Croesus, and another, Hippocleides, Teisandrus’ son, who in wealth and looks surpassed the Athenians. Then from Eretria that was in its bloom during that time was Lysanies; that one alone was from Euboea. Then from Thessaly went among the Scopadians Diactorides, a Crannonian, and from the Molossians Alcon.

So many proved the suitors and, when those had come on the previously spoken of day, Cleisthenes first inquired after their fathers’ lands and the birth of each. Then afterwards he was detaining them a year and making thorough trial of their manly goodness and disposition as well as education and manner by going both with each one into a being together and with quite all together: that is, to gymnastic contests he was leading out all who were the younger of them and there was the greatest thing: in the time of their existing together he was making trial; for, all that time that he was detaining them, he was doing all for them and at the same time entertaining them magnificently as guests. And indeed, I suppose, most among the suitors those who had come from Athens were pleasing to him and among those more Hippocleides, Teisandrus’ son, was judged both in accordance with manly goodness and in that in origin to the Cypselids in Corinth he was related.

Then, when it had come to be the appointed of the days for the reclining down of the marriage and Cleisthenes himself’s asserting forth whom of all he gave the judgement to, having sacrificed a hundred oxen, Cleisthenes was entertaining sumptuously the suitors themselves and all Sicyonians. And when they were done with dinner, the suitors were having a competition about music and what was being said in their midst. So, the drinking going forward, repressing all the others much, Hippocleides bade the flute player play on a flute a dance-tune and, when the flute player was obeying, danced. And somehow he was dancing in a manner pleasing to himself, but Cleisthenes, seeing the whole matter, was viewing it with disfavor. Then afterwards, having paused a time, Hippocleides bade someone bring in a table and, when the table had gone in, first danced Laconian figures, afterwards others, Attic ones, and the third dance: he supported his head on the table and gesticulated as with his hands with his legs. Now, Cleisthenes, when the first and the second dances he was dancing, although he abhorred that Hippocleides would still become his son-in-law, on account of the dancing and lack of shame, held himself back, because he wanted not to be broken forth against him, but when he had seen with his legs he had gesticulated as with his hands, he was no longer able to hold back and said, “O child of Teisandrus, at any rate now you have danced away your marriage”. Then Hippocleides in reply said, “No concern of Hippocleides”.

Now, from that saying that proverb is pronounced, and Cleisthenes, having had a silencing made, said in their midst this: “Men, suitors of my child, I both you all praise and you all, if it should be possible, would gratify by neither judging away one of you as chosen out nor rejecting away those left. But, because it is not possible concerning one maiden to take counsel and act in accordance with the mind of all, to those of you who are being driven away from the marriage, to each, a talent of silver as a present I offer for the thinking worthy to marry from my house and the going abroad from home and to Alcmeon’s son, Megacles, I betroth my child Agariste by the laws of the Athenians”. So, Megacles asserting for himself that he betrothed himself, the marriage was ratified by Cleisthenes.

Now, so much was done about the judging of the suitors and thus the Alcmeonids were shouted about throughout Greece. And, when those had cohabited, there was born Cleisthenes who established the tribes and the democracy for the Athenians and had his name after his mother’s father the Sicyonian. That one indeed was born to Megacles, and Hippocrates, and from Hippocrates another Megacles and another Agariste, with her name after Cleisthenes’ daughter, Agariste, she who, having cohabited with Xanthippus, Ariphron’s son and being with child, saw a vision in her sleep and thought she had brought forth a lion. And after a few days she brought forth Pericles for Xanthippus.

Now, after the blow that had been struck in Marathon Miltiades, even previously being well esteemed among the Athenians, at that time grew greater, and he demanded seventy ships and a host and money from the Athenians, without having pointed out to them the country against which he would advance with the army, but while he was asserting that he would utterly enrich them, if they followed him, because to a country just like that he would bring them whence they would win easily unbegrudged gold; speaking like that, he was demanding the ships. And the Athenians, incited by that, performed a giving over.

Then Miltiades, having taken over the host, sailed against Paros with the pretext that the Parians had earlier begun by advancing with an army by trireme to Marathon together with the Persian. That indeed was the excuse of the speech, but in fact a grudge he was having against the Parians on account of Lysagores, Teisies’ son, who was in birth a Parian, because he had slandered him to Hydarnes the Persian. And, having come to the land to which he was sailing, Miltiades with his host was beseiging the Parians cooped up within a wall and he was sending in a herald and demanding a hundred talents, while he was asserting that, if they made the gift not to him, he would not stand his host up and away until he should take them out. But the Parians in fact were not intending that they would give any silver to Miltiades, but they, how they would thoroughly guard their city, were contriving that by pointing on out for themselves other matters and where most was on each occasion the vulnerable part of the wall; that at night was being raised up twice as high as its former state.

Indeed to so far a point in the account all the Greeks give an account and thereafter the Parians themselves give an account that it happened this way: with Miltiades, being at a loss, went into speeches a woman captured by the spear, who was a Parian in birth, and her name was Timo and she was under-priestess of the gods below the earth. That one came into the sight of Miltiades and gave the advice that, if he considered worth much to take hold of Paros, whatever she suggested, he should do that. Then afterwards she made a suggestion and he went across to the hill that was before the city and leapt over the fence of statute-bringing Demeter, because he was not able to open the leaves of the door and, when he had leapt over, he went to the hall to do something or other within, to either move one of the unmovables or perform some act or other sometime. He came to be by the leaves of the door and straightway, after a horror had come over him, back the same way rushed. Then, while he was leaping down the fencing-wall, he was drawn apart at the thigh. Others say he stumbled on his knee.

Now, Miltiades, being ill, sailed away back without either bringing money for the Athenians or having acquired Paros as an addition, but after he had conducted a siege twenty six days and devastated the island. Then the Parians, having learned by inquiry that the under-priestess of the gods, Timo, had led Militiades down, because they wanted to punish her for themselves in revenge for that, sent messengers to consult the god to Delphi, when rest from the seige had gotten hold of them. And they sent them on to ask whether they should use the under-priestess of the gods mortally on the ground that she had expounded to their enemies their fatherland’s capture and brought out to light sacred matters not to be uttered to male offspring for Miltiades. But the Pythia would not allow it and asserted that Timo was not the cause of that, but, because Miltiades had to meet his end in no good way, there appeared to him a leader down of the evils.

To the Parians indeed that Pythia proclaimed and the Athenians had Militiades, when he had returned back from Paros, in their mouths, all the others and most Xanthippus, Ariphron’s son, who with a penalty of death brought under the power of the people Miltiades and was prosecuting him for his deceit toward the Athenians. Then Miltiades himself, being present, could not speak in his defense, because he was unable, seeing that his thigh was rotting, and, while he was lying forth on a bed, his friends were speaking in his defense for him by mentioning often the battle that had been fought in Marathon and Lemnos’ capture, how, having taken hold of Lemnos and punished the Pelasgians, he had given it over to the Athenians. So, when the people had come to be on his side concerning his release from death and fined him concerning his injustice fifty talents, Miltiades after that, his thigh having become gangrenous and rotted, met his end, and the fifty talents his child, Cimon, paid off.

Now, of Lemnos Miltiades, Cimon’s son, got hold this way: the Pelasgians, when from the Attic land by the Athenians they had been thrown out either indeed then justly or unjustly, because I am not able to point that out, except what was said, that Hecataeus, Hegesandrus’ son, made an assertion in his accounts by saying unjustly, because, when the Athenians had seen the country which was under Hymessus that they themselves had given them to settle in as a wage for the wall that once had been drawn round the acropolis, when that the Athenians had seen was completely well worked, which previously had been bad and worth nothing, there took hold envy and desire for the land and thus the Athenians were driving them out and putting forward no other pretext, and, as the Athenians themselves say, that they performed the driving out justly, because the Pelasgians were settled down under Hymessus and, setting off thence, they were doing this injustice: namely, indeed, their daughters went constantly for water to Enneacrounus, because there were not during that time yet for them and not for all the other Greeks household servants, and, whenever they went, the Pelasgians through the agency of insolence and belittling were doing violence to them and that however for them was not sufficient to do, but finally they were even plotting to lay on their hands and appeared in the act, while they themselves proved better men than those so much that, it being in their power to kill the Pelasgians, when they had taken hold of them in their plotting, they were not willing, but proclaimed to them that they should go out of the land, and they thus indeed, having departed, got hold of other spots and, in particular, Lemnos --that former account indeed Hecataeus gave and that latter the Athenians give-- those Pelasgians then were inhabiting Lemnos at that time and wanting to punish the Athenians and, because well they knew the Athenians’ festivals, they acquired penteconters and lay in wait for the Athenians’ women who were holding a festival for Artemis in Brauron. Then, after they had seized many of those, they sailed away and were gone and, after they had brought them to Lemnos, they had them as concubines. So, when those women had been filled up with offspring, the Attic tongue and the manners of the Athenians they were teaching their children, and they both were not willing to mix themselves with the children of the Pelasgian women and, if any of them were struck by any of those, they all came to the rescue and helped each other and, what’s more, to rule the children the children thought just and by far had the mastery. Then, having learned of that, the Pelasgians were giving speeches to themselves and into them, as they were taking counsel, something awful sank, if indeed the children should resolve to come to the rescue of themselves against the wedded women’s children and them immediately try to rule, what indeed, when they had been made men, would they do forsooth? Thereupon it seemed good to them to kill the children of the Attic women. They indeed did that and destroyed in addition their mothers also. And from that deed and the one before those events that the women did when they killed their own husbands together with Thoas, it has customarily been the usage throughout Greece that all the cruel deeds are called Lemnian.

Then for the Pelasgians, after they had killed their own children and women, neither would earth bring up fruit nor women and flocks bring forth similarly as before that. So, being oppressed by famine and childlessness, to Delphi they sent to demand for themselves a release from the evils that were on hand. Pythia then was bidding them pay the Athenians those penalties whichever the Athenians themselves judged. Indeed there came to Athens the Pelasgians and they were announcing out that they wanted to pay penalties for all their injustice, and, after the Athenians in their town-hall had spread a bed as beautifully as they were able and put by a table filled up with all good things, they were bidding the Pelasgians give over to them their country when it was thus. Then the Pelasgians in reply said, “Whenever by a north wind in one day a ship arrives from your land at our land, then we will give it”, because they knew it was impossible for that to happen, as the Attic land lies far to the south of Lemnos.

At that time so much, but very many years later, when the Chersonese on the Hellespont had come to be under the Athenians, Miltiades, Cimon’s son, when, the Etesian winds being established, by ship he had arrived down from Elaeous on the Chersonese at Lemnos, publicly was speaking forth to the Pelasgians that they should go out from their island and reminding them of the oracle that the Pelasgians had expected not at all to be brought to completion for them. Now, the Hephaestians obeyed, but the Myrinaeans would not admit for themselves that the Chersonese was Attic and were being beseiged, until those too surrendered. Thus indeed of Lemnos the Athenians and Miltiades got hold.


end of Book 6