Installment 35            
 Now, when the message had come concerning the battle that had been fought in Marathon to King Darius, Hystaspes’ son, even previously greatly vexed at the Athenians on account of their invasion into Sardis, both, in particular, at that time far more terrible acts he was performing and more was minded to advance with an army against Greece. And immediately he was announcing out by sending messengers city by city that they should make ready a host and was imposing far more on each group than previously they had furnished, both ships and horses and food and boats; so, that being announced round, Asia was stirred up for three years, as the best were being gathered up with the intention that they would advance with an army against Greece and were preparing themselves. Then the fourth year the Egyptians made slaves by Cambyses stood apart from the Persians. Thereupon indeed even more he was minded, even against both, to advance with an army.

So, as Darius was being dispatched to Egypt and Athens, a great faction among his children came about concerning the hegemony that he had to appoint a king in accordance with the Persians’ law and thus advance with an army. For there were to Darius, even before he became king, three sons born of a previous wife, Gobryes’ daughter, and, after he had become king, of Atossa, Cyrus’ child, four others. Indeed of the earlier Artobazanes was the oldest and of those born afterwards Xerxes and, not being of the same mother, they were factious, Artobazanes because he was the oldest of all the offspring and on account of the fact that it was customarily held by all human beings that the oldest should have the rule and Xerxes with the argument that he was the child of Atossa, Cyrus’ daughter, and on account of the fact that Cyrus was the one who had acquired for the Persians freedom.

Then, while Darius was not yet showing forth for himself a judgement, at the same time as that in fact Demaretus, Ariston’s son, had gone up to Susa, bereft of his kingdom in Sparta and an imposer of exile from Lacedaemon on himself. That man, having learned by inquiry of Darius’ children’s difference, went, as the report has him, and was advising Xerxes to speak in addition to the sayings that he was speaking, that he himself was born to Darius by then when he was king and had the power over the Persians, but Artobazanes to Darius when he was still a private person; hence neither reasonable it was nor just for another to have the privilege before him, since at any rate also in Sparta, asserted Demaretus in his suggesting, it was customarily held thus, that, if some were born before their father became king and another, born late, was born afterwards to him while he was king, the one born afterwards’ succession to the kingdom came to be. So, when Xerxes had used Demaretus’ suggestion, Darius came to know that he had made a just speech and appointed him king. But, as far as it seems to me, even without that suggestion Xerxes would have been king; for Atossa had all the power.

Then, having appointed as king for the Persians Xerxes, Darius was setting off to advance with the army. But, since, after that and Egypt’s standing apart, the year later, while he was preparing himself, it had happened that Darius himself, having been king in all thirty six years, had died, in fact it came not out to be for him either the Egyptians who were standing apart or the Athenians to punish.

So, when Darius had died, the kingdom descended to the son of that one, Xerxes. Xerxes then against Greece in no way was eager in the beginning to advance with an army, but against Egypt he was engaged in the collecting of a host. So, being present and having the greatest power of the Persians with him, Mardonius, Gobryes’ son, who was cousin to Xerxes and Darius’ sister’s son, was embracing an account like that following when he was speaking: “Master, it is not reasonable for the Athenians, when they have worked out quite many evils for the Persians, not to pay the penalties for what they have done. Well, if only in the present you might do that very act you have in your hands; then, having tamed Egypt that has acted completely insolently, make an expedition against Athens, that a good account may hold you from human beings and one later guard oneself against advancing with an army against your land”. That speech for him was for vengeance and to that speech as an addition he was supplying this, that Europe was a very beautiful country and it brought forth cultivated trees of all kinds and was highest in virtue; in short, for the king alone of mortals it was worthy to possess.

That then he said, inasmuch as he was a a desirer of newer deeds and himself wished to be subordinate ruler of Greece. So in time he worked on utterly and so convinced Xerxes as for him to do that; for other matters too, since they had proven his allies, contributed to Xerxes’ being persuaded: on the one hand, having come from Thessaly from the Aleuadians, messengers were calling the king, while they were furnishing from themselves every kind of eagerness, to Greece --and those Aleuadians were Thessaly’s kings-- and, on the other, those of the sons of Peisistratus who had gone up to Susa, were embracing the same speeches as those that the Aleuadians were too and indeed, in addition to that, something still more were holding out to him. With Onomacritus, then, an Athenian man, of oracles a speaker and compiler of the oracles of Mousaeus, they had gone up, after their enmity they had previously settled; for Onomacritus had been driven out by Hipparchus, Peisistratus’ son, from Athens, because he had been caught in the act by Lasus the Hermionian of interpolating into Mousaeus’ words an oracle that the islands lying off Lemnos would be made to disappear down in the sea. On account of that Hipparchus drove him out, although previously he was making use of him in the highest degree. But at that time having joined in the going up, whenever he came into the sight of the king, the sons of Peisistratus speaking about him, august speeches he recited from the oracles. If anything was in them that brought forward a fall for the barbarian, he spoke nothing of that, but he was selecting out what was of most good fortune and speaking of both the Hellespont, how it had to be bridged by a Persian man, and the drive in his expounding. That one indeed with singing oracles was going forward, and the sons of Peisistratus and the Aleuadians with showing forth for themselves opinions.

So, when Xerxes had been persuaded to advance with an army against Greece, thereupon the next year after the death of Darius first conducted an expedition against those who were standing apart. Now, having subjected those and made all Egypt far more a slave than it had been in Darius’ time, he entrusted it to Achaemenes, his own brother and Darius’ son. Now, Achaemenes, while he was the guardian of Egypt, a time thereafter Inaros, Psammetichus’ son, a Libyan man, killed.

Then Xerxes after Egypt’s capture, when he was bringing to hand for himself the expedition against Athens, held a called up gathering of the best Persians, that he might learn by inquiry their opinions and he himself say among all what he wished. Then, when they had been gathered together, Xerxes said this: “Persian men, I indeed myself will not lead in this following law among you through my establishing, but having inherited it, I will use it. For, as I have learned by inquiry from the elders, we have not at all yet kept still, since we took over this hegemony from the Medes, after Cyrus had taken down Astyages. But a god leads thus and for us ourselves when we attend to many things there is a coming together for the better. Now, the nations that Cyrus and Cambyses as well as my father Darius worked down into subjection and acquired as additions to who know well no one would speak of, but I, when I had taken over that throne, was deliberating how I would not be left behind those who had come to be previously in this honor and not acquire as an addition less power for the Persians and, in deliberating, I found in part the accruing to us of glory and of a country than that which now we possess not smaller and not poorer but more productive of all things and in part the coming about of revenge and retribution. On account of that you now I gathered together that what I have in mind to do I might communicate for myself to you. I am, after I have bridged the Hellespont, to drive an army through Europe to Greece, that I may punish the Athenians for quite all that they have done to the Persians and my father. Now, you saw Darius too was going straight to advance with an army against those men. But he has met his end and it came not out to be for him to execute punishment. I then on behalf of that one and all the other Persians will not stop myself until I should take hold of and set fire to Athens, because against me and my father they initiated doing unjust acts. First, having gone to Sardis together with Aristagores, the Milesian and our slave, they burnt down the groves and the shrines and next what kind of things they worked against us after we had stepped off onto their land, when Datis and Artaphrenes were generals, you all know, I suppose. But because of that I am ready against them to advance with an army and I find so many good things among them by reckoning: if we will subject those and the neighbors of those, who Pelops the Phrygian’s country inhabit, the Persian land we will render on Zeus’ ether bordering. For indeed not one country at least will the son look down on bordering on ours, but them all I together with you will make one country by going out and through all Europe. For I have learned by inquiry it is this way: neither a single city of men nor single nation of human beings will be left over that will be able to go into battle with us, those that I have described having been taken away below. Thus both those responsible for our disadvantage will have slavery’s yoke and those not responsible. And you me, should you do the following, would gratify: whenever to you I indicate the time at which you have to be present, eagerly every one of you must be present and, whoever is present with an army prepared most beautifully, I will give him gifts that are considered to be most honorable in our place. Now, that must be done thus, but, that I may not seem to you to have a private counsel, I put the matter in your midst and bid whoever of you wants to bring forth to light for himself an opinion”. That he said and stopped.

Then after him Mardonius said, “O master, not only are you among the Persians that have come to be the best but also among those who will be, you who in speaking all the rest have come at it most excellently and most truly and the Ionians who have settled themselves down in Europe you will not allow to laugh at us, because they are unworthy. For in fact it would be an awful matter if the Sacians, the Indians, the Ethiopians, the Assyrians and other nations, many great ones, although they committed no injustice against the Persians but because we wanted to acquire power as an addition, we have subjected as slaves and keep so, but the Greeks, although they initiated injustice, we will not punish. In fear of what? What kind of joining together of a multitude? And what kind of power of money? Of them we know the manner of fighting and we know the power is lacking in strength. Moreover, we have their children, since we have subjected them, those who, having settled themselves down in our land, are called Ionians, Aeolians and Dorians. Further, I made trial, even I myself, by driving against the men, by your father bidden, and me, in my driving up to Macedonia and falling little short of coming to Athens herself no one opposed for fighting. Yet the Greeks are wont, as I have learned by inquiry, most ill-advisedly establish wars for themselves through the agency of lack of judgement and awkwardness. For, whenever they speak forth war to each other, having found out the most beautiful spot and the most smooth, they go down to that and fight so that with great evil the winners depart and concerning those who are worsted I do not even speak to begin with, because indeed they prove completely destroyed. They had to, because they are of the same tongue, by thoroughly using heralds and messengers, restrain their differences or by everything rather than by battles; moreover, if by all means they needed to wage war against each other, they had to find out where each group was most difficult to worst and there make trial. A manner, then, not useful the Greeks thoroughly used and, when I had driven up to Macedonia, they went not to an account of that so as to fight. You then indeed who is, o king, to oppose, when you bring forth war, since you are leading both the multitude from Asia and all its ships together? As I for my part think, not up to that point of boldness have the affairs of the Greeks come, but, if after all I should be played false in judgement and those, incited by ill-advisedness, go with us into battle, they would come to learn that we are among human beings the best in the things of war. Anyhow, let nothing be untried; for nothing is of its own accord, but from trial all for human beings loves to come about”.

Mardonius smoothed so much Xerxes’ opinion and was at a stop and, all the other Persians being silent and not daring to show forth for themselves an opinion contrary to the one put forward, Artabanus, Hystaspes’ son, being Xerxes’ father’s brother, and it was this on which indeed he was relying, said this: “O king, if there are not said opinions contrary to each other, it is not possible the better in choosing to choose and rather one must use the stated one, but if there are said, it is possible, just as the pure gold alone by itself we do not distinguish, but, whenever we rub it by the side of other gold, we do distinguish the better. Now, I in fact to your father and my brother, Darius, was saying publicly that he should not advance with an army against the Scythians, men who nowhere on earth a town inhabited, but he, expecting he would subject the pastoral Scythians, both would not obey me and, after he had advanced with an army, he lost many good people in his host and went away. And you, o king, are to advance against men still far better than the Sycthians, who by sea and by land are said to be the best. So, what is awful in it, for me to you it is just to point out. You assert that, after you have bridged the Hellespont, you will drive an army through Europe to Greece. Now, suppose it happens that you are worsted either, as is most likely, by land or by sea or maybe by both; for the men are said to be valiant and it is permitted also to form an estimate, if so great a host at any rate together with Datis and Artaphrenes, when it had gone to the Attic country, the Athenians alone destroyed. Suppose, however, in both places it succeeds not for them, but if they attack with their ships and, having gained a victory in a naval battle, they sail to the Hellespont and thereafter break the bridge, that indeed, king, proves awful. Now, I by no wisdom of my own make that conjecture but by the kind of suffering that once almost befell us, when your father, having bridged the Thracian Bosporus and made a bridge over the river Danube, crossed against the Scythians. At that time the Scythians used all their devices in requesting of the Ionians to break the way across, to whom had been entrusted the guarding of the bridges of the Ister. And at that time at any rate if Histiaeus, Miletus’ tyrant, had attended to all the other tyrants’ opinion and not opposed it, the affairs of the Persians would be thoroughly worked away. And yet even in speech to hear is awful, that in just one man’s power all the king’s affair had come to be. Hence indeed want you to come to no danger like that, no necessity being, but obey me; now break up this gathering together and afterwards, whenever it seems good to you, after you have made a consideration beforehand by yourself, speak publicly what to you seems to be best. For to take counsel well I find is the greatest profit, because even if anything wants to stand in opposition, counsel has been taken no less well and there has been worsted by chance the counsel taken, but the one who has taken counsel shamefully, if fortune should attend him, has found a find and nothing less badly by him has counsel been taken. You see the living beings that project how the god hits them with his thunderbolt and allows not to make an appearance, but the small ones not at all vex him, and you see how onto the largest buildings on each and every occasion and trees like that he hurls away his missiles. For the god loves all the projects to dock. And thus also a large army by a small is destroyed after a fashion like this: whenever on them the god in his envy throws fear or a thunderbolt, then they are destroyed in a manner unworthy of themselves. For the god allows not to have a great thought another than himself. Now, for every matter to be hastened brings forth false steps, from which great penalties love to come about, but in holding off are good things, if not their seeming to be immediately but in the course of time one should find out. To you indeed that advice, o king, I give, and you, O child of Gobryes, stop speaking foolish speeches concerning the Greeks, because they are not worthy to be spoken about poorly. For in slandering the Greeks you are inciting the king himself to advance with an army and for the sake of that very thing you are exerting every kind of eagerness, Now, let it not prove thus. For slander is a most awful thing, in which those who act unjustly are two and the one who is acted against unjustly is one. For one in slandering acts unjustly by accusing one who is not present and another acts unjustly by being convinced before he should exactly come to learn completely, while indeed the one who is absent from the speech is done these injustices in it: he is slandered by the one and considered in the other’s eyes to be bad. Well, if indeed one must at any rate by all means advance with an army against those men, come, let the king himself remain in the customary haunts of the Persians and, while we both put at risk our offspring, you yourself drive an army after you have selected up the men that you wish and taken hold of however so great a host as you want. And if where you say the affairs turn out for the king, let my children be killed and in addition to them me as well, but if where I foretell, let yours suffer that and together with them you as well, if you return back. And if you are not willing to undertake that and you by all means will lead up an armed force against Greece, one will hear, I assert, of those left behind right here that Mardonius, after he had worked out a great evil for the Persians, by dogs and birds was drawn apart either surely in the land of the Athenians or you at any rate in that of the Lacedaemonians, if not after all even previously on the way, after you had come to know the kind of men against whom you had persuaded the king to advance with an army”.

Artabanus said that, and Xerxes in anger replied with this: “Artabanus, of my father you are a brother; that will deliver you from taking hold of a punishment commensurate with foolish words. In fact on you that following dishonor I impose, that you should both not join with me at any rate in advancing with an army against Greece and in this very place remain together with the women, and I in fact without you all the very things that I spoke of will make brought to completion. For may I not be of Darius, Hystaspes’ son, Arsames’ son, Ariaramnes’ son, Teispes’ son, Cyrus’ son, Cambyses’ son, Teispes’ son, Achaemenes’ son, born, if I punish not the Athenians, because I know well that, if we will maintain our quiet, those however will not, but very much they will advance with an army against our land, if one must form an estimate from what has been initiated by those, who burnt down Sardis and drove against Asia. Hence to go back out for neither group is possible; rather, to do or to suffer a contest is proposed, that either all this here under the Greeks or all that there under the Persians may come to be; for the middle course is nothing in our enmity. Hence beautiful, since we have suffered previously, our taking vengeance by now proves, that in fact that awful thing that I will suffer I may come to learn, when I have driven against those men, whom at any rate in fact Pelops the Phrygian, being my fathers’ slave, so subjected that even to this moment the human beings themselves and their land are called ones named after the one who performed their subjection”.

Those speeches over so great an extent were spoken and afterwards, it came to be the kindly time and Artabanus’ opinion was vexing Xerxes and, while at night he was giving deliberation, he was entirely finding that for him it was not advantageous to advance with an army against Greece. And, that having seemed good to him in the second instance, he fell asleep and lo, I suppose, in the night he saw a vision like this, as is said by the Persians: Xerxes thought a man, tall and good-looking, stood over him and said, “Are you indeed changing the counsel taken, o Persian, to not lead an armed force against Greece, although you have spoken publicly of the assembling for the Persians of an army? Hence neither, if you are changing the counsel taken, are you doing well nor is he who will pardon you near. Rather, just as in the day you took counsel to do, go that of the ways”. He, after he had said that, Xerxes thought, flew away.

Then, when day had shone forth, he took no account of that dream, but he, after he had assembled together among the Persians those whom he had collected together previously too, was saying to them this: “Persian men, have pardon for me in that I am taking quickly turning about counsels; for I have not yet come up to the prime things of my mind and those who exhort to do those former things no time keep them themselves away from me. Further, for me, when I had heard Artabanus’ opinion, forthwith my youth boiled over so as for me against an older man to cast away words more unseemly than I had to; however, now I make a confession and will make use of that one’s opinion. Hence, on the ground that it has seemed good to me as a change to not advance with an army against Greece, be at rest”. The Persians, when they had heard that, in a state of joy made obeisance.

Then, when it had become night, again the same dream over Xerxes, while he was asleep, stood and was saying, “ O child of Darius, and so you manifestly among the Persians have renounced the driving of an army and my words were considering of no account as if you had heard them from a no one? Now, know this well, precisely if immediately you drive not an army, this for you on the basis of it will emerge: as both great and mighty you became in a short time, so also low again with speed you will be”.

Xerxes, having become very afraid at the vision, leapt up from his bed and sent a messenger to call Artabanus. And to him, on his coming, Xerxes was saying this: “Artabanus, I in the immediate time was not of sound mind when I said to you foolish words because of useful advice; however, after not much time I changed my understanding and came to understand that that had to be done by me which you had suggested. Yet, I am not able for you that, although I want, to do; for indeed, since I have turned myself round and changed my understanding, a dream, coming constantly, makes of itself an appearance to me and in no way is joining in the praise of my doing those deeds of yours, but now in fact it made a thorough threat and was gone. Now if a god is the sender on and it is by all means in the realm of his pleasure for the driving of an army against Greece to be performed, that same dream will fly over you too and give you an injunction similarly as it did me. And I find that would prove this way, if you should take hold of all my dress and you, having put it on, after that should sit on my throne and thereafter in my bed sleep”.

Xerxes was saying that to him, but Artabanus would not obey his first bidding, inasmuch as he thought himself not worthy on the king’s throne to sit, and finally, when he was compelled, he said the following and was doing what was bid: “Equal that which follows, o king, in my opinion is judged: to think well and the speaker of useful speeches to be willing to obey; although to both these in fact you have come round, intercourses with bad men trip you up, precisely according as on the most useful of all things to human beings, the sea, blowings, they assert, of winds fall and overlook not its making use of its own nature. So, me, because I had been spoken of by you badly, pain bit not so much as, two opinions being put forward for the Persians, one increasing insolence and one stopping it utterly and saying that it is bad to teach the soul to seek for something more than what is at hand, opinions like that being put forward, in that the more perilous for yourself and the Persians you were taking up for yourself. Hence, now when you have turned yourself to the better opinion, you assert over, when you were trying to let go of the expedition against the Greeks, came constantly a dream by a god’s sending and allowed you not to abandon the expedition. But in fact that is not, o child, divine; for the visions in sleep that have roamed to human beings are like that which I will teach you, as many years than you older am I; as those, sights in dreams, are wont to have roamed most those thoughts, on which one in a day has one’s mind, and we the days before that moment that driving of the army in fact very much had in hand. But if after all that dream is not like that which I have determined and rather something that has a share of the divine, you everything, having taken hold of it at once yourself, have spoken; for let it manifestly indeed also to me, as it did in fact to you, thoroughly issue its bidding for itself. And it ought to appear to me no more with your dress than in fact with mine and, when I am taking my rest, not any more in your bed than in fact in mine, precisely if at any rate in fact actually it is willing to appear. For indeed it has not come up to so high a spot of silliness, that whatsoever indeed is that which appears over you in your sleep, so that it will think, when it sees me, it is you by taking as evidence your dress. So, whether it will consider me of no account and think me not worthy of appearing over, both if I have my dress and if yours, but will go constantly over you, that by now will have to be learned; for if indeed it will go constantly over at any rate continually, I would assert, even myself, it is divine. And if to you thus it has seemed good to come about and it’s not possible to avert it and rather I must in your bed sleep, come, that being brought to completion by me, let it appear also to me. But up to that point my opinion that is at hand I will use”.

Having said so much, Artabanus, because he expected he would show forth that Xerxes was saying nothing, was doing what was bid. So, once he had put on Xerxes’ dress and was sitting on the king’s throne, when after that he came to bed, there went to him, when he was asleep, the same dream that also went constantly to Xerxes and it stood over Artabanus and said this: “You indeed are the one who earnestly dissuades Xerxes from advancing with an army against Greece, on the ground that indeed you care about him? Well, neither in the future nor that in the present forthwith will you get off completely for trying to turn away that which must come to be and, what Xerxes must suffer, if he disobeys, to that one himself has been made clear”.

That indeed, Artabanus thought, the dream threatened and with hot irons was to burn out his eyes. And he with a loud shout sprang up and, sitting by Xerxes, when he had completely gone through his vision of the sight in his sleep in his relating, next he said to him this: “I for my part, o king, since, inasmuch as I’m a human being, I had seen by then many great affairs’ having fallen by the agency of the lesser, refused to allow you in all matters to give way to your age, because I knew that desiring many things is bad, when I remembered the expedition against the Massagetians of Cyrus, how it fared, and remembered also that against the Ethiopians of Cambyses and I was joining with Darius in advancing with an army also against the Scythians. Knowing that, I had an opinion that by not making movements you would be thought blessed in the eyes of all human beings. But since a divinity’s impulse keeps coming into being and the Greeks, as it looks like, a destruction befalls god-driven, as I, even myself, turn myself round and change for myself my opinion so indicate you to the Persians what was sent by the god, bid them make use of what was first proclaimed by you for the preparation and act so that of the god’s giving over there will be lacking your part not at all”. That said, thereupon incited by the vision, as soon as it had become day, Xerxes was giving for himself that communication to the Persians and Artabanus, who previously was the only one to earnestly withhold his urging manifestly, then in his urging on was manifest.

Then for Xerxes, minded to drive an army, after that a third vision in his sleep came about, in regard to which the Magians judged it was a portent to the whole earth and all human beings would be his slaves. And the vision was this: Xerxes thought he was crowned with an olive-tree’s bough and from the olive-tree the branches covered over the whole earth; then afterwards the crown, lying round his head, was made to vanish. So, the Magians have given a judgement that way, of the Persians who had been gathered together immediately every man, having driven away to his own rule, had every kind of eagerness because of what had been said, since each himself was wishing to take hold of the proposed gift, and Xerxes thus was conducting the army’s mustering by searching every place of the mainland.

For after Egypt’s capture for four full years he was fitting out for himself a host and the necessities for the host and the fifth year, as it was proceeding, he was driving an army with a large band of multitude. For of the expeditions that we know of quite far the greatest proved that, so as for neither that of Darius against the Scythians in comparison with that to appear as anything nor the Scythian, when the Scythians in pursuing the Cimmerians, after they had made an invasion into the Median land, had subjected and were inhabiting almost all the upper parts of Asia, for which Darius later was trying to carry out punishment, nor, in accordance with what was said, that of the sons of Atreus against Ilium nor that of the Mysians and Teucrians that had been made before the Trojan events, who, having crossed into Europe at the Bosporus, had subjected all the Thracians and had gone down to the Ionian sea and driven through what’s to the south up to the river Peneius.

All those and the other drivings of an army that had been made in addition to those were not worth this one. For what nation did Xerxes not lead out of Asia against Greece? And what water in being drunk up did not fail, except for the large rivers? For some were furnishing from themselves ships and some were appointed to the foot, to some the horse were assigned and to some horse-carrying boats, at the same time as they were advancing with the army, and to some was the furnishing of large ships for the bridges and to some of food and ships.

And on the one hand, on the ground that the first to try to sail round Athos had stumbled, the making of readiness was begun beforehand somewhere about three years back; for in Elaeous in the Chersonese triremes lay at anchor and they, setting off thence, were digging under whips, ones from all countries among the host, and came constantly in succession and also those who had settled themselves down round Athos were digging. And Boubares, Megabazus’ son, and Artachaees, Artaeus’ son, Persian men, were presiding over the work. For Athos is a large and named mountain that extends down to the sea and is settled on by human beings. And where the mountain ends on the mainland, it is peninsular and an isthmus of approximately twelve stades. And that spot’s a plain or not large hills from the sea of the Acanthians to the sea opposite Torone. And in that isthmus, at which Athos ends, is settled Sane, a Greek city, and the others, settled on outside of Sane and inside of Athos, which then the Persian was minded to make islanders instead of mainlanders, are these: Dion, Olophyxus, Acrothoum,Thyssus and Cleonae.

Those are the cities that inhabit Athos, and the barbarians were digging this way, after they had divided up the place nation by nation: having made themselves a straight line near the city of Sane, when the channel was becoming deep, some, standing the farthest down, were digging, others were giving over the heap that was being dug out on each and every occasion to those standing above on steps and they again, receiving it from them, to others, until they came to those highest, and those were performing the carrying away and the throwing away. Now, to all the others except for the Phoenicians the cliffs of the excavation by their being broken down were furnishing twice as much toil; for, inasmuch as they were using the same measures for the upper mouth and the lower, there was for them a thing like that to turn out. But the Phoenicians were showing forth wisdom in all their other works and, in particular, in that one: for having received as their share all the portion that fell to them, they were digging out the upper mouth of the channel and making it twice as large as all that the channel itself had to become and, as the work was going progressively on, they kept drawing it close on each and every occasion; indeed the work came to be down and was made completely equal to all the others’. And there is a meadow, where for them a public square was made and a place for selling and much wheat for them was coming constantly from Asia, after it had been ground.

So far as I by conjecturing for myself have found, because of pride Xerxes bade dig it, because he wished to show forth for himself power and leave for himself memorials; for, it being in his power without taking hold of any toil to drag the ships across the isthmus, he bade dig a channel for the sea in breadth so large as for two triremes to sail together while they were being rowed. Moreover, to those very same, whose was the excavation, it was assigned also the Strymon river by way of uniting to bridge.

Now, he was doing that thus, and he was preparing for himself also gear for the bridges of papyrus and out of white flax, as he had imposed its making on the Phoenicians and the Egyptians and to deposit food for the host, that the host might not hunger and not the yoke-animals, when they were being driven to Greece. Then having inquired about the places, he bade make deposits where it was most suitable various persons to various lands by bringing them by merchantmen and ferries out of Asia from every part. Hence indeed the greatest part to the so-called White Promontory in Thrace they were bringing and some were appointed to the Tyrodiza of the Perinthians, some to Doriscus, some to the Eion on the Strymon and some to Macedonia.
 
So, in that time in which those were working on the proposed toil, quite all the foot, gathered together, with Xerxes were making their way to Sardis, after they had set off from Critalla in Cappadocia; for there it had been said should be gathered together the whole army that by the mainland was with Xerxes himself to make its way. Now, who of the subordinate rulers brought the most beautifully equipped army and took hold of the proposed gifts from the king, I am not able to point out; for I know not even to begin with that they came to judging about that. Then they, when they had crossed the Halys river and come into association with Phrygia, making their way through it, they came to be at Celaenae, where the springs go up of the river Maeander and another no smaller than the Maeander, whose name in fact is Catarrectes, that from the public square itself of Celaenae rises up and disembogues into the Maeander, a land where also the Silenus Marsyes’ skin is hung up, which an account given by the Phygians holds was flayed off by Apollo and hung up.

In that city sat down awaiting Pythius, Atys’ son, a Lydian man, and he entertained as guests the king’s whole host with the greatest entertainments for guests as well as Xerxes himself and was announcing out an offer of money, because he wanted to furnish it for the war. Then, Pythius announcing out an offer of money, Xerxes asked those of the Persians who were near being who of men and possessing how much money did Pythius announce out that offer. And they said, “O king, that is he who presented Darius, the father of you, with the golden plane-tree and vine, who in fact now is the first of human beings in wealth of those that we know after you”.

So, having marvelled at the last of the sayings, Xerxes himself next asked Pythius how much money was his. And he said, “O king, neither will I make a concealment from you nor will I allege my not knowing my own substance, but I, knowing, will recount exactly. For, as soon as I had learned by inquiry that you were going down to the Greek sea, because I wanted to give you money for the war, I came to learn well and found by reckoning that of silver two thousands of talents were mine and of gold four hundred myriads of Daric staters that lack still seven thousands. And with those I present you, while for me myself from slave captives and plots of land is a sufficing livelihood”.

He said that, and Xerxes, having taken pleasure at what had been said, said, “Lydian foreign friend, I, since I have gone out of the Persian country, have communed with no man to this moment who was willing to put forth entertainments for guests for my army and not any who stood himself in position in my sight and with an offer’s being announced out by himself wished to contribute money for the war, outside of you. But you both have greatly entertained as guests my army and have been announcing out an offer of much money. Hence, to you I in return for it offer honors like this: I take you as my foreign friend and the four hundred myriads of staters of yours I will fill out by giving seven thousands that for you the four hundred myriads may not be lacking still seven thousands, but there may be for you a complete reckoning. Both possess yourself the very possessions that you have acquired and know how to be on each and every occasion like that; for not you, if you do that, either in the present or in time it will repent”.

So, having said that and having caused it to be brought to completion, he was making his way on each and every occasion farther. Then, passing by a city of the Phrygians called Anaua and a lake from which salt is produced, he came to Colossae, a large city in Phrygia, in which the Lycus river by throwing itself into a chasm of earth is made to disappear; thereafter after an interval of approximately somewhere about five stades it reappears and disembogues, even that, into the Maeander. Then the army, setting off from Colossae for the boundaries of the Phrygians and the Lydians, came to Cydrara, a city, where a pillar, fixed fast and set up by Croesus, discloses through letters the boundaries.

So, when from Phrygia they had thrown themselves into Lydia, since the way was split and one part was leading to the left toward Caria and one to the right to Sardis, where for one making one’s way there proves every necessity both to cross the Maeander river and to go to Callatebus, a city in which men, workers for the people, make honey from the tamarisk and wheat, Xerxes, going that way, found a plane-tree, which because of beauty he presented with a golden adornment and to an “immortal” man as a caretaker he entrusted, and the next day he came to the Lydians’ city.

So, having come to Sardis, he first was sending away heralds to Greece to demand earth and water and to say publicly that they should prepare dinners for the king, but neither to Athens nor to Lacedaemon he was sending away for the demanding of earth, while he was to all the rest of the land. And for the sake of this for the second time he was sending away for earth and water: all who previously made no gift to Darius, when he had sent, those certainly, he thought, at that time in fear would make a gift; hence, because he wanted to come to learn completely about that very matter, he was sending.

Then, after that, he was preparing himself with the intention that he would drive to Abydos. So they in that time were bridging the Hellespont from Asia to Europe. Now, there is in the Chersonese on the Hellespont, between the city of Sestus and Madytus a harsh promontory that extends down into the sea opposite Abydos, where after that, not much time later, in the time of Xanthippus, Ariphron’s son, as general of the Athenians, they took hold of Artayctes, a Persian man, Sestus’ subordinate ruler, and nailed him stretched out alive to a plank, who in fact was bringing women into Protesileos’ shrine in Elaeous and performing lawless works.

Hence, to that promontory, setting off from Abydos, they were making bridges to whom it was assigned, the Phoenicians one out of white flax and the Egyptians one of papyrus. It is seven stades from Abydos to the land opposite. And indeed, the passage having been bridged, a storm, having come on, broke up and unloosed all that.

So, when Xerxes had learned of it by inquiry, considering it awful, he bade come at the Hellespont with three hundred blows by whip and let go down into the open sea a pair of fetters. And by now I have heard that even branders he sent off to brand the Hellespont. Hence then he was enjoining on those who were doing the striking with sticks to say barbarous and presumptuous words: “O bitter water, a master inflicts this as a penalty on you, in that you committed an injustice against him although you had suffered nothing at his hands. And King Xerxes will cross you, whether you at any rate want it or not, and to you in accordance with justice after all no one among human beings sacrifices, on that ground that you are a both turbid and salty river”. The sea indeed he was giving the injunction with that to punish and of those who were standing in charge of the bridging of the Hellespont to cut off the heads.

And they were doing that to whom that unagreeable honor was assigned and other master-builders were making the bridges and were making the bridges this way: having put together penteconters and triremes, underneath the way toward the Euxine sea three hundred sixty and underneath the other three hundred and fourteen, at an angle to the Pontus and in accordance with the flowing of the Hellespont, that there might be a keeping up of the tension of the gear, having put them together, then they let go down very long anchors, ones of the one way toward the Pontus because of winds blowing out from within and ones of the other toward the west and the Aegean because of the west wind and the south wind. And as a way of sailing through and out they left open an interval between the penteconters and triremes, that both to the Pontus whoever wanted might be able to sail with small boats and out, out of the Pontus. Then, having done that, they were stretching down the gear from the land by twisting them with wooden windlasses and no longer placed each of the two kinds separately but apportioned two pieces of gear out of white flax for each bridge and four of papyrus. The thickness and beautiful appearance was the same, but in proportion the linen pieces were heavier, a cubit of which weighed a talent. So, when the passage had been bridged, having sawed down logs of pieces of wood and made them equal the pontoon’s breadth, in order they were putting them down on top of the gear’s tension and, having performed the putting in a row, thereupon again they were tying them down. Then, having done that, they carried on wood, having put the wood too in order, they carried on earth and, having also stamped down the earth, they drew along a fence on this side and on that side, that the yoke animals might not fear the sea when they saw it from above.

Then, when both the matters of the bridge had been fully arranged as well as those round Athos, and the mounds round the mouths of the channel, which were made because of the flood-tide, that the mouths of the excavation might not be filled in, and the channel itself were announced as having been completely made, thereupon, having wintered, together with spring the army in a state of preparation of itself from Sardis was setting off to drive to Abydos. Then, for it, when it had set off, the sun, having abandoned its seat in the sky, was invisible, although both things were not clouded over and there was clearness in the highest degree, and instead of day it became night. So, to Xerxes, after he had seen and come to learn of it, it became a concern and he asked the Magians what the apparition wished to bring forth to light. Then they asserted that to the Greeks the god was showing beforehand an abandonment of their cities and said he the sun was the Greeks’ shower beforehand and the moon theirs. Having learned that by inquiry, Xerxes, being very joyful, was conducting the drive.

Then, when he was driving out his host, Pythius the Lydian in utter fear of the apparition in the sky and incited by the gifts, went to Xerxes and was saying this: “O master, I would be in need of something from you and want to receive an obtaining, a service which for you in fact is easy to do and for me proves great.”. So Xerxes, thinking he would be in need of everything rather than what he requested, asserted that he would do the service and indeed was bidding say publicly what he was requesting. Then he, when he had heard that, was saying, since he had become bold, this: ”O master, in fact mine are five children and them all it befalls together with you to advance with the army against Greece. You then, o king, me who have come to this point of age pity and one of the children of mine, the oldest, release from the host, that of me myself and my property he may be a caretaker. And the four lead for yourself together with yourself and, having done what you have in mind, may you return back”.

Xerxes became very angry and was replying with this: “O bad human being, do you dare, when I am advancing with an army myself against Greece and leading my children, brothers, relatives and friends, to make mention of your child, although you are my slave, who had to follow with all your house, with your wife herself? Now, well this know completely, that in the ears of human beings a spirit settles that, when it hears good things, with delight fills up the body, but, when it hears the opposite of those, it swells up with anger. Now, when you did good things and were announcing out for youself offers of other things like those, you will not boast that you excelled the king in benefits and, since you have turned yourself to what’s more shameless, you will not receive your due but less than your due. For your entertainments for your guests deliver you and four of your children, but of the one, whom you are trying to hold onto most, by the soul you will be punished”. Then, when he had given that answer, immediately he was bidding those to whom it had been assigned to do that find out the oldest of Pythius’ sons and cut him through his middle and, when they had performed the cutting through, set out the cut halves, one on the right part of the way and one on the left, and there the army go through and out.

So, those having done that, after that the army went through and out. The carriers of equipment and the yoke-animals first were leading and after those an army of nations of all kinds mixed up, not in a state of being in divisions. And where over half were, a space was left between and those were not communing with the king. Indeed a thousand horsemen were leading forth, selected from all Persians, afterwards a thousand spear-bearers, those also selected from all, who had turned their spear-heads down to the earth, and afterwards ten horses called sacred Nesaean adorned as beautifully as possible. And they are called Nesaean horses after this place: a large plain in the Median land it is, whose name is Nesaean. Hence indeed that plain produces large horses. And behind those ten horses the sacred chariot of Zeus was stationed on, which eight white horses were drawing, and again, behind the horses followed on foot a charioteer who was holding onto the reins --for indeed no one among human beings onto that seat steps up-- and behind that Xerxes himself on a chariot with Nesaean horses, while by him was standing a charioteer, whose name was Patiramphes, child of Otanes, a Persian man.

Xerxes drove out thus from Sardis and stepped out and changed his place, whenever a whim took him, from the chariot to a covered chariot .And behind him were spear-bearers among the Persians, the best and most well-born thousand, with their spear-heads in accordance with law, afterwards another thousand horse, selected from the Persians, and after the horse, selected from the Persians left, ten thousand; that was the foot and of those a thousand on their lances instead of spikes had golden pomegranates and all round they were enclosing all the others, while the nine thousand, being within those, had silver pomegranates. And those who turned their spear-heads to the earth also had golden pomegranates and those following nearest Xerxes apples. Then behind the ten thousand were stationed ten thousand horse of the Persians and after the horse a space was also left between of two stades and thereafter the remaining crowd went mixed up.

Now, from Lydia the army was going its way to the river Caicus and the Mysian land and, when it had set off from Caicus, with the mountain of Cane on the left through Atarneus to the city of Carene. Then from that land through the plain of Thebe it was making its way and was passing by the city of Atramytteium and the Pelasgian Antandrus. Then, having taken hold of Ide, to the left side it went, to the land of Ilium. And first on it, when under Ide a night it had waited up, thunderclaps and hurricanes fell in and a numerous crowd right there destroyed.

So, the army having come to the Scamander, which was the first of rivers, after they had set off from Sardis and laid their hands on the way, to have failed in its stream and to have not been sufficient for the host and the cattle to be drunk, when indeed to that river Xerxes had come, to Priam’s Pergamon he went up with a desire to behold it. Then, having beheld it and learned by inquiry each of those events, he sacrificed a thousand cows to Athena of Ilium and libations the Magians poured to the heroes. So, for them, when they had done that for themselves, in the night a fear on the camp fell. Then, together with day it was making its way thence and on the left was skirting the city of Rhoetium, of Ophrynium and of Dardanus, the very land indeed that is bordering on Abydos, and on the right the Teucrian Gergithians.

So, when they had come to be in Abydos, Xerxes wished to see for himself the whole army. In fact, because there was made beforehand on a hill purposely for him there a seat out and forward of white stone (and the Abydenians were the makers, the king having made the injunction previously), there, when he was sitting, looking down on the shore, he was beholding both the foot and the ships and, beholding, desired to see for himself a contest of the ships’ being made. And when it had been made and the Sidonian Phoenicians were the winners, he took pleasure in the contest and the host.

Then, when after all he was seeing the whole Hellespont covered up with the ships and all the promontories and the Abydenians’ plains filled with human beings, thereupon Xerxes thought himself blessed and after that wept.

So, having come to learn of it, Artabanus, his father’s brother, who at the first had showed forth an opinion freely by advising Xerxes not to advance with an army against Greece, that man pointed out to himself that Xerxes wept and asked him, “O king, how you have done now and a little earlier works far separated from each other! For, after you have thought yourself blessed, you are weeping”. And he said, “For there entered into me to feel utter pity when I had reckoned how all human life is brief, if at least of those, being so many, no one will be around for a hundredth year”. And the other replied by saying, “Of other sufferings during our living we are sufferers more pitiable than that. For in so brief a life no human being is so happy by nature, among neither those nor all the other, to whom it will not occur many times and not once to want to be dead rather than to live. For misfortunes in their befalling and illnesses in their confounding, even though it is brief, make life seem to be long. Thus death, our living being toilsome, has proven a most preferable refuge for the human being and the god, having given a taste of a period of being as sweet, is found to be begrudging”.

Then Xerxes was replying by saying, “Artabanus, now, concerning human living, being precisely like that that you judge it to be, let us stop and not remember evils when we have good matters in hand. But point this out to me: if to you the sight of the vision in sleep had appeared not so clear, would you have held your former opinion and not allowed me to advance with an army against Greece or would you have changed in your stand? Come, that to me exactly speak”. Then the other was replying by saying, “O king, may the sight that appeared above of your dream, as we both want, come to its end! But I still even to this time am somewhat full of fear and not within myself when I think over many other matters and, in particular, see that to you the two greatest things of all are most hostile”.

Then Xerxes thereupon was replying with this: “Divine of men, of what kind do you say are those two most hostile to me? To you is the foot blameworthy concerning its multitude and the Greek armed force does it appear will be many times larger than ours or our naval force will be left behind that of theirs or is it maybe both those things? For if to you in that respect our affairs appear to be somewhat lacking, of another army the quickest way one would collect a gathering”.

Then the other was replying by saying, ‘O king, neither with that army would anyone who at least has intelligence find fault nor with the ships’ multitude and, if you collect more, the two that I am speaking of to you become still far more hostile. And those two are land and sea. For neither of the sea is any harbor so large anywhere, as I conjecture, that, a storm being stirred up, will be sufficient to receive that naval force of yours and bring thoroughly to safety your ships --and yet not one by itself must be, but ones along the whole mainland, along which indeed you are being conveyed; hence indeed, there being for you no harbors able to receive, come to learn that accidents rule human beings and not human beings accidents-- and so, one of the two to you having been spoken of, the other I am going to speak of: land indeed is established as hostile to you this way: if nothing wishes to get established as opposed to you, it becomes the more hostile to you the farther at all you go forth as you steal for yourself on each and every occasion what’s beyond. And of faring well there is for human beings no fullness. And so for you, on the ground that no one is standing in opposition, I say the country in proving to be greater in greater time will bring forth famine. And a man thus would be best, if while he is taking counsel he should be afraid as he thinks over that every thing he will suffer, but engaged in his work should be bold”.

Xerxes answered with this: “Artabanus, reasonably you at least judge each of those matters, but keep neither fearing all nor thinking over everything alike. For, if indeed you should want in the case of the matter which on each and every occasion is borne in on you to think over everything alike, you would not at all do anything. And it’s better to be bold in all things and suffer half of the awful rather than to dread prematurely every matter and suffer not at all anything. But if in disputing against everything that is being said you will not show forth what’s certain, you ought to be tripped up in it similarly as the one who made speeches opposite to those of yours. Now, that matter is on an equal footing and how must one, being a human being, know what’s certain? I think for my part in no way. Theirs who want to act then, generally, the profits love to become and theirs who think over all matters and hesitate they not at all are willing. You see Persians’ affairs to what point of power they have gone forth. If then those who became kings before me had used opinions of a similar kind as you or they, not having used opinions like that, had had others as advisers like your kind, you would never have seen their having gone to that point, but, as it is, they were throwing up, like throws in dice, dangers and they brought them forth for themselves to that point. For great affairs by great dangers are willing to be utterly taken. We then in being made like those the most beautiful hour of the year are making our way and, after we have subjected all Europe, will return back without having met with famine anywhere or having undergone any other unagreeable suffering. For, on the one hand, we ourselves, bringing for ourselves much food, are making our way and, on the other, of those whosever land and nation anywhere we set foot on we will have the food, as we are advancing with an army against ploughing and not pastoral men”.

Artabanus said after that, “O king, since you do not allow being afraid of any matter, then consent you to my advice; for it is necessary concerning many affairs more speech to extend. Cyrus, Cambyses’ son, subjected all Ionia except Athens to be tributary to the Persians. Hence those men I advise you by no contrivance lead against their fathers; for even without those we are able to prove superior to our enemies. For they, if they follow, must prove most unjust in utterly making a slave for themselves of their mother city or most just in joining in its freeing. Now, in proving most unjust they procure no great profit for us and in proving most just prove able to harm greatly your host. Hence cast for yourself into your spirit in fact the ancient saying how well it has been spoken, that not together with its beginning is every end utterly brought out to light”.

Xerxes thereupon replied, “Artabanus, of the opinions that you have brought forth to light for yourself you are tripped up concerning that one indeed most, you who fear the Ionians lest they should undergo a change, of whom we have the greatest proof, of whom you prove a witness as well as the others who joined Darius in advancing with an army against the Scythians, in that in the power of those the whole Persian host proved to destroy or to cause to survive and they gave a sign of justice and faithfulness and nothing unagreeable. And besides that, because in our land they have left behind offspring, wives and property, we must not even think over that they would do anything newer. Thus that too stop fearing and with a good spirit bring to safety my house and my tyranny; for I to you, alone of all, entrust my sceptres”.

Having said that and dispatched Artabanus to Susa, next Xerxes sent for the most esteemed among the Persians and, when they were present for him, was saying this: “O Persians, wanting this from you, I have made a gathering together, that you prove good men and not utterly shame the works that have been formerly done by the Persians, as they were great and worth much, and let us, each one and all together, have eagerness; for that, a good common to all, is anxiously being effected. And for this reason I publicly proclaim you should hold yourselves fast to the war strenuously: namely, as I have learned by inquiry, we are advancing with an army against good men, and, if we gain mastery over them, to us not any other army will stand in opposition ever among human beings. Let us then now cross over, after we have prayed to the gods who have obtained as their lot the Persian land”.

That day they were preparing themselves for the crossing over and the next they were waiting as they were wishing to see for themselves the sun’s going up and they were burning all kinds of incenses on the bridges and with myrtle-branches strewing the way. And when the sun was rising up overhead, pouring a libation from a golden drinking-bowl into the sea, Xerxes was praying to the sun that no chance should happen to him like that that would stop him from subjecting Europe before he should come to be at the limits of that land. Then, when he had prayed, he threw the drinking-bowl into the Hellespont as well as a golden bowl and a Persian sword that they call an acinaces. Regarding those I am not able to decide either whether in dedicating to the sun he let them go down into the open sea or whether it repented him that he had whipped the Hellespont and in compensation for that he was presenting with them the sea.

So, when that had been done by him, they were crossing over, along one of the bridges, that toward the Pontus, the foot and all the horse together, and along that toward the Aegean the yoke-animals and the train of servants. And there were leading first the ten thousand Persians, all crowned, and after those the mixed together army of all kinds of nations, that day those, and the next first the horsemen and those who turned their spear-heads down and those too were crowned and afterwards the sacred horse and the sacred chariot and on top of them Xerxes himself and the spear-bearers and the thousand horsemen and on top of those all the rest of the army. And the ships at the same time were being led out to the land opposite. But by now I have heard also that the king crossed last of all.

Then Xerxes, when he had crossed over to Europe, was beholding the army’s crossing over under whips. And the army crossed in seven days and seven kindly times without having rested any time. Thereupon it is said, by then when Xerxes had crossed over the Hellespont, a Hellespontian man said, “O Zeus, just why, having made youself look like a Persian man and having given yourself as name instead of Zeus Xerxes, do you wish to make Greece to be stood up and so are leading all human beings? For even without those it would be possible for you to do that”.

Then, when all had crossed over, for them, after they had set off for the way, a great portent appeared that Xerxes considered of no account, although it was easy to interpret: namely, a horse brought forth a hare. Hence it proved easy to interpret this way, that Xerxes was to drive a host against Greece most proudly and most magnificently and back he, running out of concern for himself, was to come to the same place. And there came about also another portent for him, when he was in Sardis: namely, a mule brought forth a mule with two pudenda, these of a male and those of a female, and those of the male were above.

Having considered no account of both, he was making his way farther and with him was the foot army. And the naval force was sailing outside the Hellespont and being conveyed along the land, while it was doing its deed across from the foot. For it was sailing toward the west as it was effecting its coming to the Sarpedonian promontory, to which it had been said to it before to come and wait around, while the army on the mainland toward the east and the sun’s risings up was going its way through the Chersonese and it had the tomb of Helle, Athamas’ daughter, on the right and the city of Cardia on the left and was making its way through the middle of a city whose name in fact is Agore. Then thence it was bending round the gulf that is called Black and the Black River, that held out not then for the army in its stream, but failed, and, after it had crossed that river, after which in fact that gulf has its appellation, it went toward the west and was going out by Aenus, an Aeolian city, and the lake of Stentor, until it came to Doriscus.

Now, Doriscus is in Thrace a beach and a large plain and through it flows a large river, the Hebrus. In it had been built that royal wall precisely that is called Doriscus and a guard of Persians was established in it by Darius from that time when he had advanced with an army against the Scythians. Hence the place seemed to Xerxes to be suitable to marshall within and count out the army and he was doing that. Indeed when all the ships had come to Doriscus, the rulers of the ships at Xerxes’ bidding conveyed them to the beach adjacent to Doriscus, in which Samothracian Sale, a city, is built as a city as well as is Zone and there’s last there Serreum, a named promontory. And that place anciently was the Cicones’. To that beach they brought in their ships and were refreshing them, after they had drawn them up, while he in Doriscus during that time was having a numbering made of his host.

Now, of all the multitude each group was furnishing to the number, I am not able give the exact account, because it is said by no human beings, but of the whole foot army together the multitude appeared a hundred and seventy myriads. And they performed the counting out in this manner: having brought together into one place a myriad of human beings and packed tight together that group as much as they could, they draw round it on the outside a circle and, having drawn it round and having let the ten thousand go away, they threw round a fence of stones down along the circle that in height came up to a man’s navel. So, having made that, they were making others go into what had been built round as a housing, until they counted out all in that manner and, after they had counted, by nations they were marshalling them up.

Now, those who were advancing with the army were these: the Persians equipped this way: round their heads they had so-called tiaras, unstiffened caps, round their body embroidered sleeved tunics and breastplates of iron scales fishlike in appearance, round their legs trousers and instead of shields wicker bucklers; moreover below quivers were hanging. Moreover, they had short spears, large bows and reed arrows and in addition daggers that dangled by the right thigh from the girdle. And they were furnishing for themselves as ruler Otanes, Amestris’ son, the father of Xerxes’ wife. So, they were called formerly by the Greeks Cephenians, but by themselves and those settled round Artians. Then, when Perseus, Danae and Zeus’ son, had come to Cepheus, Belus’ son, and had had his daughter, Andromede, as wife, there was born to him a child, to whom as a name he gave Perses, and he left that one down there; for in fact Cepheus was childless, without male generation. After that one indeed they got hold of their appellation.

The Medes then, dressed the same way, were advancing with an army; for that equipment is Median and not Persian. And the Medes as ruler were furnishing for themselves Tigranes, an Achaemenid man, and were called formerly by all Arians, but, Medea the Colchian having come from Athens to those Arians, those too changed their name. The Medes themselves about themselves speak this way. The Cissians then, advancing with the army, in all other respects were equipped precisely according as the Persians, but instead of caps they were wearers of turbans. And of the Cissians Anaphes, Otanes’ son, was ruler. And the Hyrcanians were provided with furnishings according as the Persians and as leader were furnishing for themselves Megapanus, the one later than that became Babylon’s guardian.

Then the Assyrians, advancing with the army, round their heads had helmets of bronze and plaited in a barbarian manner not easy to describe and had shields, spears and daggers nearly resembling the Egyptian articles of equipment and in addition clubs made of pieces of wood knobbed with iron and linen breastplates. And those by the Greeks were being called Syrians, but by the barbarians they were called Assyrians. And between those were the Chaldians. And the ruler of them was Otaspes, Artachaees’ son.

Then the Bactrians with round their heads things most near to the Median were advancing with the army and with native reed bows and short spears. Then the Sacians, the Scythians, round their heads had turbans brought out to a sharp point, fixed straight, were donning trousers and had native bows and daggers and in addition also sagaris, battle-axes. And those, being Amyrgian Scythians, they were calling Sacians; for the Persians call all Scythians Sacians. And of the Bacians and the Sacians the ruler was Hystaspes, Darius and Atossa Cyrus’ daughter’s son.

Then the Indians were donning clothes made of pieces of wood and had reed bows and reed arrows, and there was on top iron. The Indians were dressed thus and they were assigned to and were joining with Pharnazathres, Artabates’ son.

Then the Arians were equipped with Median bows and in all other respects precisely according as the Bactrians. And of the Arians the ruler was Sisamnes, Hydarnes’ son. Then the Parthians, the Chorasmians, the Sogdians as well as the Gandarians and the Dadicians had the same equipment that the Bactrians too and were advancing with an army. And of those these were rulers: of the Parthians and the Chorasmians Artabazus, Pharnaces’ son, of the Sogdians Azanes, Artaeus’ son, and of the Gandarians and of the Dadicians Artyphius, Artabanus’ son.

Then the Caspians, donning cloaks of skin and having native reed bows and acinaceses, were advancing with an army. Those were equipped thus and as a leader were furnishing for themselves Ariomardus, Artyphius’ brother, and the Sarangians with dyed clothes were conspicuous and had boots that extended up to the knee and Median bows and spears. And of the Sarangians the ruler was Pherendates, Megabazus’ son. Then the Pactyians were wearers of cloaks of skin and had native bows and daggers and the Pactyians as ruler were furnishing for themselves Artayntes, Ithamitres’ son.

Then the Outians, Mycians and Paricanians were equipped precisely according as the Pactyians. And of those the rulers were these: of the Outians and the Mycians Arsamenes, Darius’ son, and of the Paricanians Siromitres, Oeobazus’ son.

Then the Arabians were wearing long mantles girded below and had bows bent back at the right, large ones. Then the Ethiopians had fastened on themselves leopard skins and lion skins and had bows made of the palm-tree’s broad blade, large ones, not smaller than ones measuring four cubits, and, on top of that, small reed arrows (and instead of iron a stone made sharp was on top, with which also they carve seals). Moreover, in addition, they had spears (and, on top of that, a horn of a gazelle made sharp was on top in the manner of a lance) and had also knobbed clubs. And of their body half they were smearing over for themselves with chalk when they were going to battle and half with red ochre. And of the Arabians and the Ethiopians who are settled over Egypt the ruler was Arsames, Darius and Artystone Cyrus’ daughter’s son, whom Darius had most affection for of his wives and had made a golden likeness of beaten out with a hammer. Indeed of the Ethiopians above Egypt and the Arabians the ruler was Arsames.

But the Ethiopians from the sun’s risings up-for two kinds indeed were advancing with the army-were assigned to the Indians and were differing in no looks from the others except in speech and hair only; for the Ethiopians from the sun’s direction are straight-haired and those from Libya have the wooliest hair of all human beings. Those Ethiopians from Asia in the greater number of respects are provided with furnishings precisely according as the Indians and had the front parts of the foreheads of horses on their heads flayed off with the ears and the mane; in fact instead of a crest the mane served. Moreover, the ears of the horses fixed straight they had and as bulwarks instead of shields they put forward cranes’ skins.

Then the Libyans were going with leather equipment and with the use of javelins burnt at the tip and as a ruler they were furnishing for themselves Massages, Oarizus’ son.

Then the Paphlagonians were advancing with the army with plaited helmets as well as small shields and not large spears and in addition javelins and daggers as well as round their feet native boots that extended to the middle of the shin. Then the Ligyians, the Matienians, the Mariandynians and the Syrians with the same equipment as the Paphlagonians were advancing with the army. And those Syrians by the Persians are called Cappadocians. Now, of the Paphlagoniansand the Matienians Dotus, Megasidrus’ son, was the ruler and or the Mariandynians, the Ligyians and the Syrians Gobryes, Darius and Artystone’s son.

Then the Phrygians had equipment most nearly like the Paphlagonian and were altering little. And the Phrygians, as the Macedonians say, were called Brigians as long a time as they, being European, were settled with the Macedonians, but, after they had changed and gone to Asia, together with their country their name too they changed. Then the Armenians were provided with furnishings precisely according as the Phrygians, since they were the Phrygians’ colonists. Of those both together the ruler was Artochmes, who had Darius’ daughter as a wife.

Then the Lydians most nearly like the Greek had armor. And the Lydians were called Meionians in the former time, but after Lydus, Atys’ son, they got hold of their appellation and changed their name. Then the Mysians had on their heads native helmets and small shields and were using javelins burnt at the tip. And those are the Lydians’ colonists and after the mountain Olympus are called Olympienians. And of the Lydians and the Mysians the ruler was Artaphrenes, Artaphrenes’ son, who had thrown into Marathon together with Datis.

Then the Thracians with fox-skins on their heads were advancing with the army and with tunics round their body and, on top of that, had thrown round on themselves embroidered long mantles and round their feet and their shins boots of fawnskins and, in addition, javelins, little shields and small daggers. And those, after they had crossed over to Asia, were called Bithynians and in the earlier time were being called, as they themselves say, Strymonians, because they were settling by the Strymon. Then they assert they were made to stand up from their customary abodes by the Teucrians and the Mysians. And of the Thracians in Asia the ruler was Bassaces, Artabanus’ son.

Then men had small shields of raw oxhide and two weapons for casting forth of Lycian workmanship each had and on their heads bronze helmets. Moreover, on the helmets were the ears and horns of an ox made of bronze and also on top were crests, while on their shins with crimson rags they were wrapped round. Among those men is an oracle of Ares.

Then the Cabelians who are Meionians and are called Lasonians had the same dress as the Cilicians, which, whenever at the Cilicians’ contingent in my going through and out I come to be, then I will indicate. Then the Milyians had short spears and had pinned clothes on themselves and among them some had Lycian bows and round their heads caps made of hides. Of those all the ruler was Badres, Hystanes’ son.

Then the Moschians had wooden caps round their heads as well as shields and shorts spear and large spear-heads were on top. Then the Tibarenians, the Macronians and the Mossynoecians, dressed precisely according as the Moschians, were advancing with the army. And those there were joining in marshalling these rulers: the Moschians and the Tibarenians Ariomardus, the child of Darius and Parmys, the daughter of Smerdis, Cyrus’ son, and the Macronians and the Mossynoecians Artayctes Cheramis’ son, who was guardian of Sestus on the Hellespont.

Then the Marians had native plaited helmets on their heads as well as small shields of skin and javelins. Then the Cholchians wooden helmets round their heads, small shields of raw oxhide and short spears and, in addition, knives had. And of the Marians and the Colchians the ruler was Pharandates, Teaspis’ son. Then the Alarodians and the Saspeirians, armed precisely according as the Colchians, were advancing with the army. And of those Masistius, Siromitres’ son, was the ruler.

Then the island nations that were following from the Red sea and they of the islands, on which the king settles down those called “the drawn up”, most nearly like the Median had clothing and gear. And of those islanders the ruler was Mardontes, Bagaeus’ son, who, being a general in Mycale, the next year after that met his end in the battle.

Those were the nations that were advancing with the army by the mainland and were assigned to the foot. Hence, of that army the rulers were those very ones who have been spoken of are and they who performed the drawing up and performed the numbering out were those as well as who appointed rulers of a thousand and rulers of ten thousand, while they who did rulers of a hundred and rulers of ten were the rulers of ten thousand. And of regiments and nations were other commanders. Those were indeed the very ones who were spoken of as rulers.

And the generals of those and the whole foot army together were Mardonius, Gobryes’ son, Tritantaechmes, Artabanus’ son, who had put forth for himself as an opinion that they should not advance with an army against Greece, and Smerdomenes, Otanes’ son --those both as children of Darius’ brothers and as cousins to Xerxes were born-- Masistes, Darius and Atossa’s child, Gergis, Ariazus’ son, and Megabyxus, Zopyrus’ son.

Those were generals of the whole foot together except the ten thousand. And of those ten thousand Persians that had been selected out the general was Hydarnes, Hydarnes’ son, and those Persians were called Immortals because of this: if any of them completely left the number either by death done violence or by illness, another man was chosen and they amounted to not at all either more than ten thousand or fewer. And the Persians were furnishing from themselves the greatest adornment above all and they themselves were the best. They had the very dress like that which has been spoken of and besides in having much and unbegrudged gold were conspicuous. And at the same time they were bringing for themselves covered chariots and therein concubines and a large and well-equipped train of servants. Moreover, food for them, apart from all the other soldiers, camels and yoke-animals were bringing.

Now, those nations ride horses, but not all were furnishing from themselves horse; rather, only so many: the Persians, dressed the same as their foot, except that on their heads some of them had beaten out works of both bronze and iron.

Also there are some pastoral human beings, called Sagartians --although they are a Persian nation in fact in language, yet they have dress made between the Persian and the Pactyian-- who were furnishing for themselves eight thousand horse and were not accustomed to have gear either of bronze or of iron except daggers and use ropes plaited out of thongs. Relying on those, they go to war and the manner of battle of those men is this: whenever they join battle with their enemies, they throw the ropes that have nooses at the end and, whatever one hits, whether horse or human being, one draws to oneself, while they in coils are entangled and destroyed. Of those that is the manner of battle and they were arranged in addition with the Persians.

Then the Medes had the very dress they did in the foot and the Cissians had theirs in the same way. Then the Indians were furnished with the same dress as they were in the foot and were driving chargers and chariots and under their chariots were horses and wild asses. Then the Bactrians were dressed in the same way as they were in the foot and the Caspians similarly. Then the Libyans too themselves, were precisely according as in the foot and all those also were driving chariots. Then in the same way the Caspians and the Paricanians were furnished similarly as they were in the foot. Then the Arabians had the same dress and they did in the foot and all were driving camels that in quickness were not left behind horses.

Those nations alone were riding horses and the number of the horse amounted to eight myriads besides the camels and the chariots. Now, all the other horseman were drawn up by regiments, but the Arabians last were drawn up at the end. For, seeing that horses in no way would hold themselves up before camels, they were drawn up later, that the cavalry might not fear.

And the rulers of the horse were Harmamithres and Tithaeus, Datis’ children, and the third ruler of horse with them, Pharnouches, was left behind in Sardis, because he was ill. For, when they were setting off from Sardis, he fell into unwanted misfortune. For, while he was making the drive, under the feet of his horse ran a dog, and the horse, since it had not gotten a look beforehand, was afraid and by standing straight shook off Pharnouches; then he, after he had fallen, was vomiting blood and his illness came round to consumption. So to the horse immediately in the beginning his household servants did as he was bidding: in the very place, in which it had thrown down their master, they brought it away and at the knees cut off its legs. Pharnouches thus was discharged from his command.

Now, the triremes’ number amounted to a thousand two hundred and seven and there were furnishing them for themselves these: the Phoenicians with the Syrians in Palaestine did three hundred and were equipped this way: round their heads they had caps made most nearly like in the Greek manner, were donning linen breastplates and had shields without rims and javelins. And those Phoenicians formerly were settled, as they themselves say, by the Red sea, and thence they crossed over and in Syria are settled on what’s along the sea. And in Syria that spot, even what’s up to Egypt, is all called Palaestine. And the Egyptians were furnishing for themselves two hundred ships and those had helmets of meshed work round their heads and hollow shields that had large rims as well as lances for battle with ships and large battle-axes. Moreover, the multitude of them were wearers of a breastplate and had large knives.

Those were dressed thus, and the Cyprians were furnishing for themselves a hundred and fifty ships and were equipped this way: on their heads their kings were wrapped with turbans, while all the others had tunics, but in all the other respects were precisely according as the Greeks. And of those are so many nations: some are from Salamis and Athens, some from Arcadie, some from Cythnus, some from Phoenice and some from Ethiopia, as the Cyprians themselves say. And the Cilicians were furnishing for themselves a hundred ships.

And those again had native helmets round their heads and bucklers made of raw oxhide instead of shields and were donning woollen tunics. Moreover they each had two javelins and a sword, things made most nearly like the Egyptian knives. Those formerly were called Hypachaeians and after Cilix, Agenor’s son, a Phoenician man, they got hold of their appellation. And the Pamphylians were furnishing for themselves thirty ships and were equipped with Greek gear and those Pamphylians are descended from those who had been scattered from Troy together with Amphilochus and Calchas.

And the Lycians furnished for themselves fifty ships and were wearers of a breastplate and wearers of greaves. Moreover, they had bows of cornel-wood, reed unfeathered arrows and javelins, on top of that, goat’s skins that were hanging round their shoulders and round their heads caps crowned round with feathers. And daggers and sickles they had. Now, the Lycians were called Termilians and had originated from Crete; then after Lycus, Pandion’s son, an Athenian man, they got hold of their appellation.

And the Dorians from Asia were furnishing for themselves thirty ships and they had Greek gear and had originated from the Peloponnesus. And the Carians were furnishing from themselves seventy ships and they were dressed in all the other respects precisely according as the Greeks, but had both sickles and daggers. And who those were called earlier in the first of my accounts has been said.

And the Ionians were furnishing for themselves a hundred ships and were equipped as the Greeks. Moreover, the Ionians as long a time as in the Peloponnesus they were settled in the land now called Achaeie and before Danaus and Xouthus came to the Peloponnesus, as the Greeks say, were called Aegialian Pelasgians, then after Ion, Xouthus’ son, Ionians.

And the islanders were furnishing for themselves seventeen ships and were armed as the Greeks and that group was a Pelasgian nation and later was called Ionian in accordance with the same account as the Ionians of the twelve cities from Athens were. And the Aeolians were furnishing for themselves sixty ships and were equipped as the Greeks and anciently were called Pelasgians, as the Greeks’ account is. And the Hellespontians except for the Abydenians --for to the Abydenians it had been commanded by the king to remain in place and be guards of the bridges-- those then left who from the Pontus were advancing with the army, were furnishing for themselves a hundred ships and they were equipped as the Greeks. And those were the Ionians’ and the Dorians’ colonists.

Now, the Persians, the Medes and the Sacians were marines on all the ships. And of those above the Phoenicians were furnishing for themselves the ships that were sailing best and of the Phoenicians the Sidonians. Over all those and those appointed to the foot among them were, over each group, native leaders, whom I, because I am not constrained by necessity for the purpose of inquiry’s account, mention not besides. For both of each nation the leaders were not noteworthy and in each nation, precisely as there were cities so many were the leaders too. And they were following not as generals but, just as all the others who were advancing with the army, slaves, since the generals at any rate who had the whole power and ruled each of the nations, all of them who were Persians, have been spoken of by me.

Now, of the naval force the generals were these: Ariabignes, Darius’ son, Prexaspes, Aspathines’ son, Megabazus, Megabates’ son, and Achaemenes, Darius’ son: of the Ionian and Carian host was Ariabignes, the child of Darius and Gobryes’ daughter, of the Egyptians the general was Achaemenes, who was Xerxes’ brother born of both parents of his, and of all the rest of the host the generals were the two. And the triaconters, the penteconters, the light vessels and the horse-bringing boats came together for the number and manifestly were three thousand.

And of those sailing on board, after the generals at any rate, these were the most named: Sidonian Tetramnestus Anysus’ son, Tyrian Matten Siromus’ son, Aradian Merbalus Agbalus’ son, Cilician Syennesis Oromedon’s son, Lycian Cyberniscus Sicas’ son, Cyprian Gorgus the son of Chersis and Timonax the son of Timagores and among the Carians Histiaeus the son of Tymnes, Pigres the son of Hysseldomus and Damasithymus the son of Candaules.

Now, all the other rulers of contingents I mention not besides on the ground that I am not compelled except Artemisie, whose having advanced with the army against Greece as a woman most I consider a marvel, because she, after her husband had died, while she herself had the tyranny and a child belonged to her, a young man, by the agency of courage and manliness was advancing with the army, there being for her no compulsion. Her name indeed was Artemisie and she was Lygdamis’ daughter and in birth originated from Halicarnassus in respect to her origins on her father’s side and in respect to her origins from her mother a Cretan. And she was the leader of the Halicarnassians as well as the Coians, the Nisyrians and the Calydnians and was furnishing for herself five ships; in fact of quite all the host together, after those of the Sidonians at any rate, the most well-esteemed she was furnishing for herself and of all the allies the best opinions to the king she showed forth. And of the cities, of which I described she was leader, the nation I bring forth to light in its entirety is Dorian, the Halicarnassians Troezenian and all the others Epidaurian.

To so far a point the nautical army is spoken of and Xerxes, when the army had been numbered and drawn up, conceived a desire for himself to drive out and through and behold them. Then afterwards he was doing that and, as he was driving out and through on a chariot alongside every single nation, he was making inquiry and his scribes were writing it down, until from ends to ends he had come of both the horse and the foot. So, when that had been done by him, the ships having been drawn down, thereupon Xerxes, having changed his place by stepping out of his chariot into a Sidonian ship, was sitting under a golden awning and sailing along the prows of the ships, while he was asking about each group similarly as he had been about the foot and having it written down for himself. Now, the ships the rulers of the ships brought out approximately four plethra from the beach and were anchoring, after they all had turned their prows to the land in line and armed completely their marines as for war, and he by sailing inside the prows and the beach was beholding them.

Then, when he both had sailed through and out of those and stepped out of the ship, he sent for Demaretus, Ariston’s son, who was joining him in advancing with the army against Greece and, after he had called him, he asked this: “Demaretus, now to me a pleasant thing is to ask you what I wish. You are a Greek and, as I have learned by inquiry from you and all the other Greeks who have come into speeches with me, of a city neither the smallest nor the most lacking in strength. Hence now to me point this out, whether the Greeks will await with a raising of hands against me. For not, as I think, not even if all Greeks and the human beings left who are settled toward the west should be collected, are they battle-worthy to await my going in opposition, if they are not united. However, I wish also about the matter from you, what kind of an account you give about them, to learn by inquiry”. The one was asking that and the other in reply said, “King, which is it? Am I to make use of truth before you or pleasure?”. Then the one was bidding him to make use of truth and asserting it would be nothing more unpleasant to him than it was previously.

So, when Demaretus had heard that, he was saying this: “King, since utterly make use of truth by all means you bid one and give that account in the falsifying of which one later will not be caught by you, for Greece poverty on each and every occasion from time immemorial has been endemic, but excellence is acquired and worked up from wisdom and mighty law, by utterly making use of which Greece wards off from itself poverty and despotism. Now, although I praise all the Greeks settled round those Dorian lands, yet I am not going to give the following accounts about all, but about the Lacedaemonians alone: first there’s that there is no way that they will ever receive your speeches that bring slavery for Greece and in turn that they will oppose you in battle even if all the other Greeks think your thoughts. So about number ask not being a group of how many they are able to do that; for whether they in fact have advanced out with an army as a thousand, those will fight with you, or less than that, or in fact more”.

Having heard that, Xerxes with a laugh asserted, “Demaretus, what kind of a saying you have uttered that a thousand men will fight so large a host! Come, speak to me: you assert you yourself proved the king of those men; will you then be willing quite immediately to fight against ten men? And yet if your citizenry is in its entirety like that that you judge, for you at any rate, the king of those, it is fitting to array yourself in opposition against twice as many in accordance with your laws. For if each of those is worthy in opposition to ten men of my host, you then at any rate I look to be twenty’s worthy in opposition. And thus would be made straight the speech spoken from your side. But if you, being like that and in sizes so large as you and those of the Greeks who constantly come to me into speeches, boast so much, look out lest in vain, as bragging, that speech of yours be spoken; for-come let me see with all that is reasonable --how would a thousand be able or even ten thousand or even fifty thousand, when at any rate they all similarly are free and not ruled by one, stand in opposition to so large an army, since we amount to more than a thousand round each one of yours, those of yours being five thousands? For ruled by one in accordance with our manner they might become in fear of that one in fact better compared with the nature of themselves and go, when they are compelled by a whip, against more, although they are fewer, but let go to what’s free they would not do either of those things. And I on my part think even should they be made entirely equal in multitude, with difficulty the Greeks would fight the Persians alone. Well, among us is that which you are speaking of; however it is at any rate not prevalent but rare; for there are among my Persian spearmen those who will be willing to fight three men among the Greeks together, being without experience of which, you blather many times”.

Thereupon Demaretus said, “O king, from the beginning I knew that in using truth I will not give speeches pleasing to you. But since you made necessary to speak the truest of my speeches, I was speaking of what was on hand regarding the Spartiates. And yet how I in fact in these present times am a holder of affection for those you yourself know most completely; it’s they who took away for themselves from me honor and my father’s privileges and have made me cityless and an exile, while your father received in and gave me livelihood and a house. Therefore it is reasonable for the man of sound mind not to thrust thoroughly from himself good will when it appears, but to have affection for it most. Now, I for my part neither ten men promise to be able to fight nor two and, as far as my being willing, I would not even fight one, but if there should be necessity or a great contest that is urging on, I would fight most pleasantly of all one of those men who each assert he is worth three Greeks. And thus the Lacedaemonians too in fighting one by one are worse than no men and together the best of quite all men. For being free, not in all respects are they free, as over them is as master law, which they fear inwardly still far more than yours you. They do at least whatever that commands and it commands the same on each and every occasion, because it allows no fleeing any multitude of human beings from battle, but their remaining in their contingent and gaining a mastery over or being destroyed. To you then if I appear in speaking that to blather, therefore to be silent I am willing the remaining period, as now compelled I spoke. But may it come to be in accordance with your mind, king”.

He indeed gave that reply and Xerxes to laughter turned and displayed no anger, but gently sent him away from himself. So Xerxes, having come into speeches with that one and as subordinate ruler in that Doriscus established Mascames, Megadostes’ son, while he had deposed the one set up by Darius, was driving his army through Thrace toward Greece.

He left behind then Mascames who proved a man like this: one for whom alone he, Xerxes, kept sending gifts, on the ground that he was the best of all whom he himself or Darius had established as subordinate rulers, and kept sending them in every year. And thus also Artaxerxes, Xerxes’ son, did for Mascames’ descendants. For there were established yet earlier than that drive subordinate rulers in Thrace and everywhere on the Hellespont. Those all then, those from Thrace and the Hellespont, except the one in Doriscus, by the Greeks later than that driving of the army were taken out, while the one in Doriscus none yet were able to take out, many having tried. So on account of that to him the gifts are sent from him who is king on each and every occasion among the Persians.

Now, of those who were taken out by the Greeks none did King Xerxes consider to be a good man except Boges alone, the one from Eion. That one then he would not stop praising and his surviving children among the Persians he was honoring most, since in fact worthy of great praise Boges proved, who, when he was being beseiged by the Athenians and Cimon, Miltiades’ son, it being possible for him to go out under truce and return to Asia, was not willing, lest because of cowardice it seem to the king he survived, but was persevering to the end. So, when nothing of food any longer was within the wall, having piled together a large pyre, he cut the throats of his offspring, his wife, his concubines and his household servants and thereafter threw them into the fire. Then after that all the gold from town and the silver together he was sprinkling from the wall into the Strymon and, having done that, he threw himself into the fire. Thus that one justly is praised still even to this time by the Persians.

Xerxes then from Doriscus was making his way to Greece and those who were coming to be on each and every occasion at his feet he was compelling to join in advancing with the army. For there was enslaved, as also previously has been clear by me, the whole land up to Thessaly and it was tributary under the king, Megabazus having subjected it and later Mardonius. So he was passing by in making his way from Doriscus first the Samothracian walls, at the end of which is built as a city toward the west a city whose name is Mesambria. Then next to that is the Thasians’ city, Stryme, and through their midst flows the Lisus river, that at that time hold not out in furnishing its water to Xerxes’ army, but failed. And that country was formerly called Gallaic, but now is Briantic; however, it is by the most just of the accounts, even that land, the Ciconians’.

Then, having crossed the Lisus river’s channel, after it had been dried up, these Greek cities he was passing by: Maroneia, Dicaea and Abdera. Those lands indeed he went completely by and near those following named lakes: the Ismarid that lies between Maroneia and Stryme and the Bistonid near Dicaea, into which two rivers inject their water, the Trauus and the Compsatus. And near Abdera no lake that is named Xerxes passed by, but the river Nestus as it flows to sea. Then after those countries in his going by the mainland cities he went, in one of which is in fact a lake, of somewhere approximately thirty stades in its circumference, as it were, fishy and very salty; that the yoke-animals alone in being watered dried up. And that city’s name is Pistyrus.

Indeed those cities by the sea and of Greece on his left hand he was skirting and going completely by and the Thracians’ nations, through whose country he was travelling a way, are so many: the Paetians, the Ciconians, the Bistonians, the Sapians, the Dersians, the Edonians and the Satrians. Of those, those settled down alongside the sea in their ships were following while those of them who settled the inland country and have been described by me, all the others except the Satrians, on foot, as they were being compelled, were following.

But the Satrians to no one among human beings yet have proved subject, as far as we know, but they continue the period up to my time on each and every occasion to be free, alone of the Thracians: for they settle high mountains, covered over with forests of all kinds and snow, and are in respect to the things of war excellent. Those are the possessors of Dionysus’ seat of prophecy. That seat of prophecy then is on the highest mountains and the Bessians among the Satrians are the prophets of the shrine. Moreover, she who gives the oracle is a prophetess precisely according as in Delphi and it’s nothing more complicated.

Then, Xerxes, having passed by the said land, after that was passing by the walls of the Pierians, of which one’s name is Phagres and the other’s Pergamus. By that way indeed alongside the very walls he was going his way and on the right hand the Pangaean mountain he was skirting that is large and high and in which are gold and silver mines that the Pierians and the Odomantians as well as especially the Satrians draw revenue from.

Then the settlers beyond the Pangaean spot toward the north wind, the Paeonians, the Doberians and the Paeoplians, he was going completely by and kept going to the west, until he came to the river Strymon and the city of Eion, of which Boges, still being alive, was ruler, the very one of whom a little before that present mention I was giving an account. And that land round the Pangaean mountain is called Phyllis and it stretches down the parts to the west to the river Angites that disembogues into the Strymon and through the parts to the south stretches to the Strymon itself, at which the Magians were seeking omens by cutting the throats of white horses.

Then having performed that rite at the river and many others in addition to that, at the Nine Ways of the Edonians they were making their way along the bridges, as they had found the Strymon bridged. And having learned by inquiry that place was called the Nine Ways, in it so many boys and maidens of the native men alive they were burying below. Now, to bury below persons alive is Persian, since in fact Amestris, Xerxes’ wife, I have learned by inquiry, when she had grown old, on twice seven children of the Persians, of men who were prominent, on her own behalf was gratifying the god said to be under the earth in return by performing a burying below.

Then, when the army was making its way from the Strymon, thereupon toward the sun’s sinkings was the beach, on which it was going completely by Argilus, a settled Greek city. And that land and the land inland of that land are called Bisaltie. And thence with the gulf toward Posideium on his left hand, he was going through the plain called Syleus and passing by Stagirus, a Greek city, and he came to Acanthus and at the same time he was bringing with himself each of those nations and of the ones that settled round the Pangaean mountain, similarly as he had those whom previously I recounted, and had those settled by the sea advancing with the army in ships and those inland from the sea following on foot. Now, that way, on which King Xerxes drove his army, the Thracians neither have broken up nor sown on, but they have reverenced it greatly the period up to my time.

Then when lo! he had come to Acanthus, Xerxes proclaimed foreign friendship to the Acanthians and presented them with Median clothing and he was offering praise, because he saw they were eager for the war and the excavation.

Then, when Xerxes was in Acanthus, it happened that by illness died the one who was in charge of the canal, Artachaees, who was esteemed at Xerxes’ court and in birth an Achaemenid and who in height was the tallest of the Persians (for of five royal cubits he fell short four fingers) and had the loudest voice of human beings, so as for Xerxes, considering it a great misfortune, to bring him out most beautifully and perform burial. And the whole host was piling up a grave-mound. So to that Artachaees the Acanthians sacrifice on the basis of an oracular command, as to a hero, and call by name on his name. King Xerxes indeed, when Artachaees had perished, was considering it a misfortune.

But those of the Greeks who were entertaining the host and providing Xerxes with dinner came to every point of evil so that they became stood up from their houses, inasmuch as at any rate to the Thasians who on behalf of their cities on the mainland had received Xerxes’ army and provided it with dinner Antipatrus, Orgeus’ son, since he had been chosen, among his townsmen a man esteemed similarly to the most, showed forth that for the dinner four hundred talents of silver had been spent.

And thus pretty nearly also in the rest of the cities those who were in charge were showing forth their account. For the dinner was proving something like this, seeing that for a long time it had been spoken forth and they were considering it worth much: in the first place, as soon as they had learned by inquiry from the heralds who were announcing it round, having divided up grain in their cities, the townsmen all were making wheaten flour and barley-meal for numerous months, in the second, they kept feeding cattle and were finding out the most beautiful for a price and they were keeping birds of land and of water in pens and ponds for the army’s entertainments and, in the last, gold and silver drinking-vessels and bowls they were fashioning and all the other things that they put for themselves on a table. That for the king himself and those eating with that one were made, but for the rest of the host was that which was appointed for food alone. Then, whenever the host came, a tent was fixed ready, in which Xerxes himself was setting up a station, while the rest of the host was in the open air. So, whenever it came to be dinner’s hour, those who were making the reception had toil and the others, whenever filled up they spent the night there, the next day, after they had pulled up the tent and taken all the movables, thus drove off and they left nothing, but were performing a carrying off for themselves.

Then indeed of Megacreon, an Abderian man, a well-spoken saying was made, who advised the Abderians with the whole people themselves and the women, after they had gone to their shrines, to sit as suppliants of the gods and beg for also in the future their keeping off them half of the oncoming evils and for what was gone by to have great gratitude to them, in that King Xerxes not twice each day was accustomed to take food; for it would be possible for the Abderians, if in fact breakfast it were spoken forth similarly to the dinner they should prepare, either not to await Xerxes’ going in opposition or to stay behind and in the worst way of all human beings be worn out.

They indeed, although they were being oppressed, nevertheless what was being imposed were bringing to completion and Xerxes from Acanthus enjoined on his generals that the nautical army should wait in Therme and let go from himself his ships to make their way, in Therme then, settled on the Thermean gulf, after which in fact that gulf has its appellation; for by that way he was learning by inquiry was the shortest route. For up to Acanthus having been drawn up this way, the army from Doriscus was going its way: into three parts Xerxes divided up the whole foot and one of them appointed alongside the sea to go together with the fleet. Of that indeed the generals were Mardonius and Masistes and another third part of the army was appointed and went through the inland country, of which the generals were Tritantaechmes and Gergis. And the third of the parts, with which Xerxes himself was making his way, went through the midst of them and as generals was providing for itself Smerdomenes and Megabyxus.

Now, the nautical army, when it had been let go by Xerxes and sailed out through the canal that had been made in Athos and was extending to the gulf, in which the city of Assa, of Pilorus, of Singus and of Sarte are settled, thereafter, when in fact from those cities a host it had taken over, was sailing, when it was being let go, to the Thermean gulf and it was rounding Ampelus, the Toronian promontory, and passing by these Greek cities, from which it was taking over ships and a host: Torone, Galepsus, Sermyle, Mecyberna and Olynthus. Now, that country is called Sithonie.

Then the nautical army of Xerxes was making a short cut from Ampelus’ promontory to the Canastrian promontory (and it’s that which indeed of all Pallene juts out most) and thereafter ships and a host was taking over from Poteidaea, Aphytis, Neepolis, Aege, Therambo, Scione, Mende and Sane; for those lands are the ones that inhabit what now is Pallene, but previously was called Phlegre. So sailing by that country too, it was sailing to the spot spoken forth and was taking over a host also from the cities adjacent to Pallene and bordering on the Thermean gulf, whose names are these: Lipaxus, Combreia, Lisae, Gigonus, Campsa, Smila and Aeneia. And the country of those places still even to this time is called Crossaee. Moreover, from Aeneia, at which I was ending in recounting the cities, from that, by then to the Thermean gulf came to be for the nautical army the sailing and to the Mygdonian land and in sailing it came to the Therme spoken forth and the city of Sindus and of Chalestre, to the Axius river, which forms the boundary of the Mygdonian and Bottiaean country, whose part alongside the sea, a narrow spot, the cities of Ichnae and Pella have.

The nautical army indeed there round the Axius river, the city of Therme and the cities between those places were awaiting the king and encamping, while Xerxes and the foot army were making their way from Acanthus by cutting through the inland country of the way, because they wanted to come to Therme. And they were making their way through the Paeonian and the Crestonian land to the river Echeidorus, which, beginning from the Crestonians, flows through the Mygdonian country and disembogues alongside the marsh by the Axius river.

So, as he was making his way by this way, lions for him attacked his food-carrying camels; for going down constantly during the nights and leaving their customary abodes, the lions were touching nothing else, neither yoke-animal nor human being, but were working havoc on the camels alone. I marvel then about the cause, which ever it was that was compelling the lions from the others to keep themselves away and attack the camels, which beast neither previously they had seen, nor had they had experience of it.

Now, there are at those spots both many lions and wild oxen, whose horns are the very large ones that come into the Greeks. And the boundary for the lions is the river Nestus that flows through Abdera and the Achelous that flows through Acarnania; for neither in what’s toward the east of the Nestus anywhere in Europe on this side would one see a lion nor toward the west of the Achelous on the remaining mainland, but in the land between those rivers they come to be.

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  Now, there are at those spots both many lions and wild oxen, whose horns are the very large ones that come into the Greeks. And the boundary for the lions is the river Nestus that flows through Abdera and the Achelous that flows through Acarnania; for neither in what’s toward the east of the Nestus anywhere in Europe on this side would one see a lion nor toward the west of the Achelous on the remaining mainland, but in the land between those rivers they come to be.

So, when Xerxes had come to Therme, he seated there his host. And his army held in its encamping onto so much country alongside the sea: beginning from the city of Therme and the Mygdonian land, it was up to the Lydies river and the Haliacmon, which form the boundary of the Bottiaean and the Macedonian land by mixing together their water in the same channel. There were encamping indeed in those spots the barbarians, and of those rivers recounted, in flowing from the Crestonians the Echeidorus alone sufficed not for the army in its being drunk, but failed.

Then Xerxes, when he was seeing from Therme the Thessalian mountains, Olympus and Ossa, that were in height very large, and he had learned by inquiry that through their midst was a narrow gorge, through which flows the Peneius, and heard that by that way was the road that led to Thessaly, conceived a desire to sail and behold the outlet of the Peneius, in that the upper way he was to drive through the Macedonians settled down inland to the Perrhaebians alongside the city of Gonnus: for by that way he learned by inquiry it was safest. And when he had conceived the desire, in fact that he was doing; having stepped into the very Sidonian ship that on each and every occasion he stepped into whenever he wished to do something like that, he showed indication on high for all the others too to lead themselves out, after he had left behind there his foot army. So, when Xerxes had come and beheld the outlet of the Peneius, he got held in great marvelling and, having called those leading down the way, he asked whether it was possible to divert the river and another way to lead it out to sea.

Now, Thessaly, there is an account, anciently was a lake, seeing that at any rate it was surrounded from all sides by very tall mountains. For its parts that extend toward the east Pelion, a mountain, and Ossa shut in, as they mix together their foothills with one another, those toward the north wind Olympus does, those to the west Pindus and those toward the south and the south wind Othrys, while through the midst of those mountains recounted Thessaly is and is hollow. Hence, seeing that rivers enter into it, in fact numerous others and these five very esteemed, Peneius, Apidanus, Onochonus, Enipeus and Pamisus, now, those, in their being gathered together in that plain from the mountains that enclose Thessaly, are named and through one conduit and that a narrow one have an outlet to the sea, as they all previously mixed together their water into the same spot, and, as soon as they are mixed together, thereafter by then the Peneius prevails in its name and makes all the others to be nameless. So anciently, it is said, there being not yet that conduit and outlet through, those rivers and in addition to those rivers the Boebeian lake both were not named precisely just as they are now and flowed no less than they do now and in their flowing made all Thessaly open sea. Now, the Thessalians themselves assert Poseidon made the conduit through which the Peneius flows and give reasonable accounts; for whoever believes that Poseidon shakes the earth and the things that stand apart in various directions by the agency of shaking is that god’s works, in fact, after having seen that, would assert Poseidon made it. For shaking’s work is, as it appears to me to be, the mountains’ standing apart in various directions.

Then those who were the leaders down, when Xerxes had asked whether there was another way out to sea for the Peneius, since they had complete knowledge exactly, said, “King, for this river there is no other means of going out that extends to sea, but this by itself; for by mountains is all Thessaly crowned”. So Xerxes, it is said, said thereupon, “The Thessalians are wise men. Against that, after all, before long they were guarding themselves when they were changing their mind: both against all else and the fact that, after all, they had a country easily taken and quickly captured; for it would only have been necessary to send the river over their land by making it go out through the conduit by a mound and by diverting it from the streams, through which it now flows, so as for all Thessaly, except for the mountains, to come to be underwater”. That then he was saying was with regard to Aleues’ children, in that they, first among the Greeks, being Thessalians, gave themselves to the king, because he, Xerxes, thought that from the whole nation they were announcing out for themselves friendship. So, having said and beheld that, he was sailing away to Therme.

Now, he indeed round Pierie spent numerous days; for indeed the Macedonian mountain a third part of the host was clearing, that by that way all the host together might go through and out to the Perrhaebians. And indeed the heralds sent off to Greece for earth’s asking came, some empty-handed and some carrying earth and water.

And among those who had given that proved these: the Thessalians, the Dolopians, the Enienians, the Perrhaebians, the Locrians, the Magnesians, the Melians, the Phthian Achaeans as well as the Thebans and all the other Boeotians except for the Thespians and the Plataeans. Against those the Greeks who had raised war for themselves against the barbarian swore an oath. And the oath was this: all those who gave themselves to the Persian, while they were Greeks, and were not compelled, they, when their affairs were established well for them, should take a tithe of for the god in Delphi. Indeed the oath was this for the Greeks.

And Xerxes sent not off heralds to Athens and Sparta for the purpose of asking for earth for this reason: previously, when Darius had sent for that very purpose, one group of them into the pit and one into a well threw those who were asking and were bidding them earth and water from those spots carry to the king. For that reason Xerxes sent not those who would ask. And what for the Athenians, because they had done that to the heralds, happened to come about undesired, I am not able to say, except that their country and city was devastated, but I think that happened not on account of that cause.

Anyhow, down on the Lacedaemonians fell the wrath of Talthybius, Agamemnon’s herald. For in Sparta is Talthybius’ shrine and are also descendants called Talthybiadae, to whom all the offices of herald from Sparta as a privilege have been given. Then after that for the omens to be favorable for the Spartiates when they were making sacrifices for themselves was not possible and that for a long time was theirs. So, the Lacedaemonians being vexed and experiencing misfortune, when an assembly often was being gathered together and they were performing a proclamation through heralding like this, namely whether any of the Lacedaemonians wanted to die for Sparta, Sperthies, Aneristus’ son, and Boulis, Nicoleos’ son, Spartiate men having been born well in nature and having come up in money to the first ranks, voluntarily undertook to pay a penalty to Xerxes for Darius’ heralds who had perished in Sparta. Thus the Spartiates were sending off those with the intention that they would die to the Medes.

That daring of those men was worthy of marvelling and these sayings in addition to that: for making their way to Susa, they came to Hydarnes and Hydarnes was in birth a Persian and general of the human beings alongside the sea in Asia, who them by putting forward from himself entertainments was feasting and, while he was entertaining, asked this: “Lacedaemonian men, just why do you flee becoming the king’s friends? For you see how the king knows how to honor good men, when you look at me and my affairs. And thus also you, if you should give yourselves to the king, because you are reputed by him to be good men, each of you would rule Greek land at the giving of the king”. Thereupon they gave this answer: “Hydarnes, your advice that refers to us is not on an equal footing; for you have offered advice when you have experienced one thing and are without experience of the other. For to be a slave you know how completely, but you have not yet experienced freedom, neither whether it is a sweet thing not whether it’s not. For, if you should experience it, not with lances would you advise us to fight concerning it, but in fact with axes”.

That reply to Hydarnes they gave and thereafter, when they had gone up to Susa and come into the king’s sight, first, when the lance-bearers were bidding and applying compulsion to them to bow down to the king by falling down, they asserted that, if they were thrust by them head first, they would not do that at all; for neither was it in their law to bow down to a human being nor did they come in accordance with that. Then, when they had fought that off, next to them, when they were giving this account or one of the nature of an account like this, “O king of the Medes, the Lacedaemonians sent us in compensation for the herald who had perished in Sparta to pay a penalty for those”, then, when they were speaking that, to them Xerxes through the agency of magnanimity asserted he would not be similar to the Lacedaemonians; for those confounded all human beings’ usages by killing heralds, but he himself would not do that for which he blamed those and not by killing those in revenge would he release the Lacedaemonians from the charge.

Thus and the Spartiates having done that, Talthybius’ wrath stopped in the immediate time, although Sperthies and Boulis had returned back to Sparta. Then a long time thereafter it was stirred up during the Peloponnesians and the Athenians’ war, as the Lacedaemonians say. That to me appears to prove the most divine thing among others. For as to the fact that Talthybius’ wrath had fallen down onto messengers and stopped not until it went out, what was just was providing the lead thus, but as to its falling together onto the children of those men who had gone up to the king on account of the wrath, onto Nicolas, Boulis’ son, and onto Aneristus, Sperthies’ son, who took the Halians from Tiryns, after with a trading vessel full of men he had sailed down, hence it’s clear to me that the matter proved divine; it’s they who, sent by the Lacedaemonians as messengers to Asia and betrayed by Sitacles, Teres’ son, the Thracians’ king, and Nymphodorus, Pythees’ son, an Abderan man, were captured at Bisanthe on the Hellespont. And, after they had been led away to Attica, they died at the hands of the Athenians and with them also Aristeas, Adeimantus’ son, a Corinthian man. Now, that many years later happened than the king’s expedition and I will go back to the earlier account.

The king’s driving of the army then had the name that he drove against Athens, but it was sent down to all Greece. So, having learned that by inquiry long before, the Greeks were not all considering it in a similar manner. For some of them, since they had given earth and water to the Persian, had confidence on the ground that they would suffer nothing unagreeable at the hands of the barbarian and some, since they had not given, in great fear were established, seeing that neither the ships in Greece were in number battleworthy to receive him who was going in opposition nor the many wanted to take up the war vigorously, but rather they were medizing eagerly.

Thereupon by necessity I am constrained to show forth for myself an opinion jealously looked on by the greater number of human beings, but nevertheless, where at any rate to me there appears to be a true matter, I will not hold back. If the Athenians in utter fear of the danger that was going in opposition had abandoned their land or maybe having not abandoned it, but having remained, they had given themselves to Xerxes, on the sea none would have tried to oppose the king. If then on the sea no one had opposed Xerxes, on the mainland at any rate things like this would have happened: if in fact many “tunics made of walls” had been drawn through the Isthmus by the Peloponnesians, the Lacedaemonians, betrayed by their allies not of their own will but through the agency of necessity, when city by city they were captured by the barbarian nautical army, would have been left alone and, having been left alone and having shown forth great deeds, they would have died nobly. Either they would have suffered that or before that, when they were seeing in fact all the other Greeks were medizing, they would have made use of an agreement with Xerxes. And thus in both cases Greece would have come to be under the Persians. For the advantage of the walls drawn through the Isthmus I am not able to learn by inquiry what it would have been, when the king had mastery over the sea. But as it is, someone in saying the Athenians proved the saviors of Greece would not miss the mark of what’s true; for to whichever of the two of the sets of affairs those turned themselves, that was to turn the scale. So those themselves, having chosen Greece to survive free, were those who stirred up all the remaining Greek force that had medized not and who thrust back from themselves the king, at least after the gods. Them not even frightening oracles that had gone from Delphi and had performed a casting into terror persuaded to abandon Greece, but they stayed behind and held themselves up to receive him who was going in opposition to their country.

For the Athenians sent to Delphi messengers to consult the god and were ready to consult the oracle and to them, after they had done round the shrine what was performed customarily, when they had gone into the hall and were sitting, the Pythia proclaimed, whose name was Aristonice, this:

O wretches, why sit you down? Leave and flee to earth’s ends
From houses and a circular city’s extreme tops.
For neither her head stays in place nor her body
Nor lowest feet nor then hands nor part of her midst
Is left, but turn unenviable. For her ruins
Fire, and sharp Ares, who drives Syrian-born car.
Many forts else then will smash and not yours alone, and
Many temples of immortals to fierce fire give,
Which perhaps now stand and with sweat flow on themselves
And with terror quiver. Then down on topmost roofs
Black blood is poured that foresees misery’s tortures.
Well, go, both, from the shrine and on ills spread spirit.

Having heard that, the messengers of the Athenians sent to consult the god were experiencing the greatest misfortune. Then, when they were throwing themselves away under the agency of the evil that had been given as an oracle, Timon, Androboulus’ son, among the Delphians a man esteemed similarly to the most, was advising them, after they had taken suppliant’s wands, a second time again to go and consult for an oracle the oracle as suppliants. So to the Athenians, when they were obeying with that and saying, “O lord, give to us a better oracle about our fatherland and feel shame before these suppliant’s wands that for you we have come carrying or we will not go away from your sanctuary, but right here remain until in fact we should meet our end”, to them then, when they were saying that, the prophetess gave this second oracle:

Pallas hasn’t power Olympus’ Zeus to placate
Although she begs with many words and shrewd counsel.
This word I neared adamant and’ll tell you again:
For, when all else is taken that Cecrops’ border
Inside holds and very divine Cithaeron’s vale,
Wood wall to Tritogenes grants far-seeing Zeus
Alone unsacked to be, which’ll help you and offspring.
Don’t indeed you await horse and coming of foot,
Large army from mainland, quietly, but retreat,
Turn back. Yet, you, once you’ll be in fact face to face.
O divine Salamis, then you’ll ruin women’s young
When either perhaps Demeter’s sown or comes in.

That for themselves, because gentler than the earlier it both was and seemed to be, they wrote up by themselves and departed to Athens. Then, when the messengers sent to consult the god had gone away and were making an announcement to the people, opinions were given of those searching after the oracle both many others and these standing together in opposition most: of the elders some were saying it seemed to them the god had proclaimed the acropolis would survive; for the acropolis of the Athenians formerly with a wattled fence was hedged round. Some indeed were reckoning that that was the wood wall and some in turn were saying that the god was indicating the ships, and those fit out for themselves they were bidding, after they had let go away all else. Hence indeed tripping up those who were saying that the wood wall was the ships were the two last things said by the Pythia:

O divine Salamis, then you’ll ruin women’s young
When either perhaps Demeter’s sown or comes in.

Concerning those epic verses were confounded the opinions of those who were asserting for themselves the wood wall was the ships; for the speakers of oracles were taking that in that following way, that round Salamis they must be worsted after they had prepared for themselves a naval battle.

There was then one among the Athenians, a man who to the rank of first men recently had advanced, whose name was Themistoclees, and Neoclees’ child he was called. That man asserted that the speakers of oracles were not reckoning all correctly and he was giving an account like this, that, if to the Athenians what had been said as a saying had pertained really, not thus gently it would have seemed to have been given as an oracle, but this way, “O cruel Salamis...” instead of that “O divine Salamis...”, precisely if at any rate the settlers round it were to meet their end, but it had not, because in regard to the enemies by the god had been spoken the oracle to one who was comprehending it in accordance with what was correct and not in regard to the Athenians. Hence that they should prepare themselves on the ground that they would fight a naval battle he was advising, on the ground that the wood wall was that. When in that way Themistoclees was making a showing forth for himself, the Athenians came to know that that was preferable for them rather than the matters of the speakers of oracles, who were allowing them not to make ready for a naval battle and, to speak of everything together, not even to raise hands in opposition, but to abandon the Attic country and settle some other.

And another opinion of Themistoclees before that one was best at a right time, when, much money having come to be the Athenians’ in their commonwealth, which had gone in from the mines of Laureium, they were to get as their portion, each one by one, ten drachmas; then Themistoclees convinced the Athenians to cease from that distribution and to build two hundred ships for that money for the war and that against the Aeginetians he meant. For that war in having broken out brought to safety then Greece, because it had made necessary for the Athenians to become seamen. Those ships then for that which they had been made were not used, but opportunely thus for Greece came to be. Those ships indeed, having been made before, belonged to the Athenians and they had to build other ships in addition. In short, it seemed good to them after the oracle, when they were taking counsel for themselves, to receive the barbarian as he was going against Greece with their ships with all the people, in obedience to the god, together with those of the Greeks who wanted.

Those oracles indeed for the Athenians had come about and, when the Greeks who had better minds concerning Greece and were giving to themselves speech and a pledge were gathered together into the same spot, thereupon it seemed good to them, when they were taking counsel for themselves, first of all things to reconcile themselves in respect to their enmities and the wars that were among each other --and they were against some others too stirred up, but in any case the greatest was the Athenians and the Aeginetians’-- and afterwards, when they were learning by inquiry that Xerxes with his army was in Sardis, they took counsel for themselves to send watchers into Asia of the king’s affairs and messengers to Argos to put together for themselves a martial league against the Persian and to send others to Sicily to Gelon, Deinomenes’ son, and to Cercyra to bid come to the rescue of Greece as well as others to Crete, and they were minded so on the chance that somehow the Greek force should be one and on the chance that all should act in concert and perform the same act, on the ground that awful things were coming on similarly for all Greeks. Now, Gelon’s affairs were said to be great, there being no Greek ones than which they were not far greater.

Then, when that had seemed good to them, having dissolved for themselves their enmities, first they sent as watchers to Asia three men. So they, having come to Sardis and utterly learned about the king’s host, when they had become detected, they were examined by the generals of the foot army and were being led away with the intention that they would be destroyed. In fact against them death had been judged, but Xerxes, when he had learned that by inquiry, having found fault with the generals’ opinion, sent some of his lance-bearers, after he had enjoined that, if they overtook the watchers while they were alive, they should lead them to him. Then, when them, while they were still surviving, they had overtaken and led into the sight of the king, thereafter, having learned by inquiry with a view to what they had gone, he bade his lance-bearers lead them round and show for themselves the whole foot army and the horse and, whenever they were full with beholding that, send them away to whichever country they themselves wished unharmed.

So saying in explanation this speech, he was enjoining that, that, if the watchers had been destroyed, neither his affairs would the Greeks have learned beforehand that they were greater than speech nor their enemies would they have done a great harm by having destroyed three men. Now, after those had returned to Greece, he asserted that he thought, when the Greeks heard of his affairs, before the expedition that was being made they would give over their own freedom and thus they would not in fact have to drive an army against them and have troubles. And that opinion of his resembles this other: for, when Xerxes was in Abydus, he saw boats carrying food were sailing out of the Pontus through the Hellespont that to Aegina and the Peloponnese were being conveyed; those sitting by him indeed, when they had learned by inquiry that the boats were enemy, were ready to take them and were looking to the king when he would make an announcement out, but Xerxes asked about them where they were sailing and they said, “To your enemies, o master, bringing food”; he then in reply asserted, “Hence are not we too sailing there precisely where those are and furnished with all else and food? What injustice then do those do in conveying foodstuffs by us?”.

Now, the watchers, having thus beheld and been sent away, returned to Europe, and the sworn confederates among the Greeks against the Persian after the sending away of the watchers next were sending to Argos messengers. And the Argives say that the matters concerning themselves happened this way, namely that they learned by inquiry immediately at the beginning what was being stirred up by the barbarian against Greece and, when they had learned by inquiry and come to know that the Greeks would try to take them over against the Persian, they sent messengers to consult the god to Delphi to ask of the god if they acted how, for them was it to happen best, because recently of them were dead six thousand by the agency of the Lacedaemonians and Cleomenes, Anaxandrides’ son, because of which indeed they were sending, and the Pythia to them, when they were asking on, answered this:

Enemy to neighbors, friend to immortal gods,
With your javelin inside guarding yourself sit
And guard yourself your head, while head’ll save the body.

That oracle the Pythia gave formerly and afterwards, when the messengers had come to Argos indeed, they went before the council-house and were saying what had been enjoined and the others in view of what was being said answered that they, the Argives, were ready to do that after they had poured libations for themselves for a peace for thirty years with the Lacedaemonians and were leaders over half of the alliance, and yet in accordance with what was just at any rate the leadership proved theirs, but nevertheless it sufficed for them to be leaders over half.

That, they say, the council answered, although the oracle was forbidding them to form the alliance with the Greeks, and they had eagerness for peace treaties of thirty years to be made for them, although they were afraid of the oracle, that indeed for them their children might be made men in those years, and, were there no peace treaties, they considered, if after all there befell them in addition to the evil that had happened another fall with the Persian, that for the future they should be the Lacedaemonians’ subjects. And of the messengers those from Sparta in view of what had been said by the council answered with this, that concerning peace treaties they would refer to the majority and concerning leadership on them it had been enjoined to answer and lo! to say that theirs was two kings and the Argives’ one; hence it was not possible to remove either of those from Sparta from the leadership, but with their two nothing was preventing the Argive from being one who has an equal vote. Thus indeed the Argives assert that they held not themselves up against the Spartiates’ grasping for more, but chose rather to be ruled by the barbarians than to concede anything to the Lacedaemonians, and that they said publicly to the messengers that before the setting of the sun they should depart from the Argives’ country and, if not, they would treat them as enemies.

The Argives themselves say that much about that, but there is another account that is given throughout Greece, that Xerxes sent a herald to Argos before he set off to advance with an army against Greece and, when that one had gone, it is said, he said, “Argive men, King Xerxes says this to you: we believe that it is Perses from whom we have been descended, child of Perseus, son of Danae, born of Cepheus’ daughter, Andromede. Hence thus we would be your descendants. Hence it is reasonable neither for us against our ancestors to advance out with an army nor for you to succour others and become opposed to us, but by yourselves to keep quiet and sit down. For, if it comes to be for me in accordance with my mind, I will hold none greater than you”. Having heard that, the Argives, it is said, considered it a matter and forthwith nothing were announcing out for themselves and demanding a share of and, when the Greeks were trying to take them over, thus indeed knowing that the Lacedaemonians would not give a share of the rule, they demanded a share, that with a pretext they might maintain quiet.

So that there coincides with that in fact this following account, which happened many years later than that, some of the Greeks give an account:: in fact in Memnonian Susa there were for another matter’s sake messengers of the Athenians, Callies, Hipponicus’ son, and those who had gone up with him, and the Argives during that same time sent, even those, messengers to Susa to ask Artoxerxes, Xerxes’ son, whether for them there still remained in place the friendship that with Xerxes they had cemented or they were considered by him to be enemies; then King Artoxerxes asserted that it especially remained in place and he considered no city friendlier than Argos.

Now, whether Xerxes sent away a herald who was saying that to Argos and the Argives’ messengers, having gone up to Susa, were asking in addition Artoxerxes concerning friendship, I am not able to say exactly and am not showing forth for myself any other opinion at any rate about it than precisely that which the Argives themselves say. But I have so much as that following knowledge, that, if all human beings should bring together their own evils into their midst and want to exchange them with their neighbors, having looked into the evils of those near, gladly each group of them would take back away for themselves what they had brought in for themselves. Thus not even by the Argives had the most shameful acts been done. And I for my part ought to say what is said; at any rate now I ought not to be persuaded entirely and let that saying relate to every account for me, since in fact that following account is given, that, after all, the Argives were those who called for themselves the Persian to Greece, when against the Lacedaemonians the spear for them made its stand badly, because they wanted quite all to be theirs in preference to the pain that was at hand.

That about the Argives is said, and to Sicily others came, messengers, from the allies to commune with Gelon and, in particular, from the Lacedaemonians Syagrus. Now, of that Gelon an ancestor, the settler in Gele, was from the island of Telos that is situated off Triopium, who was not left, when Gele was being founded by the Lindians from Rhodes and Antiphemus. So in the course of time his descendants became and continued to be hierophants of the gods below the earth, a Telines, one of their ancestors, having made the acquisition in a manner like this: to Mactorium, a city that was settled inland of Gele, were exiled men among the Gelians, worsted by faction. Those then Telines brought down to Gele with no power of men but those gods’ sacred things. And whence them he took hold of or himself acquired, that then I am not able to say; anyhow, while he was relying on those, he performed the bringing down, on the condition that his descendants would be hierophants of the gods. As a marvel to me that following thing too has come to be with a view to what I have learned by inquiry: Telines’ working out so great a work. For works like that not by every man I have believed to be done, but by a good soul and manly strength, while he is said by Sicily’s settlers contrarily to that to be by nature a womanish and somewhat soft man.

Now, thus he acquired that privilege, and, when Cleandrus, Pantares’ son, had met the end of his life, who was tyrant of Gele seven years and died through the agency of Sabyllus, a Gelian man, thereupon Hippocrates took up the monarchy, who was Cleandrus’ brother. So, while Hippocrates had the tyranny, Gelon, being Telines the Hierophant’s descendant, with many others and Aenesidemus, Pataecus’ son, was a lance-bearer of Hippocrates. Then after not much time on account of virtue he was appointed of all the horse to be the ruler of horse; for, when Hippocrates was besieging the Callipolitians and the Naxians as well as the Zanclians and the Leontinians as well as besides the Syrecosians and among the barbarians numerous, a man manifestly in those wars was Gelon most brilliant. And of all the cities that I spoke of, except the Syrecosians, not one escaped slavery at the hand of Hippocrates, and the Syrecosians the Corinthians and the Cercyrians rescued, when in battle they had been worsted on the river Elorus, and those performed the rescue by performing a reconciliation on this condition, on condition that to Hippocrates Camarina the Syrecosians give over, as the Syrecosians’ was Camarina formerly.

Then, when also dying befell Hippocrates near the city of Hyble, after he had been tyrant years equal to his brother Cleandrus’, when he had advanced with an army against the Sicelians, thus indeed Gelon by his speech was succouring Hippocrates’ sons, Eucleides and Cleandrus, since their fellow-citizens wanted not to be subjects any longer, and by his deed, when he had gained mastery over the Gelians by battle, was ruler himself, as he had performed a deprivation of Hippocrates’ children. So, after that find those who were called landed gentry among the Syrecosians, after they had been banished by the people and those who were their own slaves and were called Cyllyrians-Gelon, having brought those down from Casmene, a city, to Syrecousae, got hold of that too; for the people of the Syrecosians to Gelon, when he was going in opposition, gave over the city and itself.

Then he, when he had taken over Syrecousae, gaining mastery over Gele considered of less account, as he entrusted it to Hieron, his own brother, and he strengthened Syrecousae and to him Syrecousae was all. So straightway it shot up and flourished; for, on the one hand, all Camarinians together to Syrecousae he brought and made fellow-citizens, while Camarina’s town he demolished, and, on the other hand, to over half of the Gelian townspeople he did the same as to the Camarinians, and the Megarians in Sicily, when, while they were being besieged, to an agreement they had come forward, their rich, although they had raised war against him and were expecting to be destroyed on account of that, he brought to Syrecousae and made fellow-citizens and the people among the Megarians, although they were not sharers in the cause of that war and were not in the expectation of suffering any evil, he brought those too to Syrecousae and sold with a view to bringing out of Sicily. Then that same deed also to the Euboeians in Sicily he did after he had made the distinction. And he was doing that to those both, because he considered a people to be a most disagreeable housemate. In a manner like that Gelon had become a great tyrant.

And at that time when the messengers of the Greeks had come to Syrecousae, they went into speeches with him and were saying this: “There sent us the Lacedaemonians and the allies of those to take you over against the barbarian; for of him who is going in opposition to Greece by all means doubtless you have learned by inquiry, that he, a Persian man, having bridged the Hellespont and leading on the whole eastern army from Asia, is to drive the army against Greece, and, although he gives as a pretext that against Athens he is driving, yet he has in mind to subject the whole of Greece under him. Now, you for your part, because you are well off for great power and a part of Greece for you, not the least, is a share, since at any rate you are the ruler of Sicily, come to the rescue of those who are trying to free Greece and join in the freeing. For, having come to be all together, the whole of Greece as a great band is led together and we prove worthy of battle with those who are going in opposition, but if of us some perform a betrayal utterly and some are not willing to offer succour, while that which is healthy of Greece is little, then that by now proves to be feared lest the whole of Greece fall. For expect not, if the Persian subjects us after he has prevailed in battle, that he will not come to you at any rate, but before that guard yourself; for in coming to the rescue of us you succour yourself and on a matter that has been deliberated on well a good end on the whole, as it were, is willing to supervene”.

They were saying that, and Gelon was vehemently attacking by giving a speech like this: “Greek men, with a speech that grasps for more you have dared me as an ally against the barbarian to call near and to go, but you yourselves, I previously having requested a joining to put hands on a barbarian army, when by me against the Carchedonians a quarrel had been engaged in, and I laying on a demanding of satisfaction for the killing of Dorieus, Anaxandrides’ son, by the Egestians and I suggesting a joining in freeing the marts from which for you great advantages and benefits have come about, neither for my sake went to come to the rescue nor to demand satisfaction for Dorieus’ killing, and in respect to what’s concerning you all this under the barbarians is governed. But in fact well for us and for the better it got established. And now, when the war has gone round and come to you, thus indeed Gelon’s remembrance has come about. So, although I have gotten dishonor from you, I will not make myself similar to you, but I am ready to come to the rescue by furnishing from myself two hundred triremes, twenty thousand hoplites, two thousand horse, two thousand bowmen, two thousand slingers and two thousand lightly armed runners among the horse, and food for the Greeks’ whole army together, until we should finish the war, I undertake to furnish. But on a ground like this I promise this, on the condition that general and leader of the Greeks I will be against the barbarian, while on another ground neither I myself would go nor would I sent others”.

Having heard that, Syagrus both held not up against it and said this: “Verily, loudly would wail Pelops’ son Agamemnon, when he had learned by inquiry that the Spartiates were deprived of the leadership by Gelon and the Syrecosians. Rather, that speech no longer mention, how the leadership to you we will give over, but if you want to come to the rescue of Greece, know that you will be ruled by the Lacedaemonians and, if after all you think not just to be ruled, then stop you also coming to the rescue”.

Thereupon Gelon, when he saw the speeches of Syagrus were turned adversely, was bringing out to light for them this last speech: “O foreign friend, Spartiate, reproaches that go down on a human being love to bring up on top anger; however you, although you have shown forth for yourself insolent acts in your speech, persuade me not to become unseemly in my reply. So, inasmuch as you thus cling to the leadership, it’s reasonable for me too more than you to cling, since I am of a host many times larger leader and of far more ships, but since the speech of yours is established so haughty, we will make a concession in our original condition. If the foot you should lead, then the naval force I and, if of yours is the pleasure of being the leader by sea, over the foot I am willing to be. And you must either with that be satisfied or go away bereft of allies like these”.
 
Gelon indeed was proposing for himself that, and the Athenians’ messenger anticipated the Lacedaemonians’ and was answering him with this: “O King of the Syrecosians, not a leader requesting, has Greece sent us away to you, but a host. Yet you, how you will send a host, if you lead not Greece, bring not forth to light, but the way you will be general of it, you strive after. Now, as long as the whole army of the Greeks you were requesting to lead, it was completely satisfying us the Athenians to maintain quiet, because we knew that the Laconian was to be capable for you of speaking a defense even on behalf of both, but since, because you were driven off from it all together, you are requesting to rule the naval host, thus it is for you: not even if the Laconian lets go out to you to rule it, will we let it go out. For that at any rate is ours, if the Lacedaemonians themselves want it not. Hence those, if they want to lead it, we oppose not, but near no other will we let go to rule the ships. For in vain this way the greatest army by the salt sea of the Greeks we would possess, if to the Syrecosians, being Athenians, we will yield the leadership, we who furnish from ourselves the most ancient nation and are the only ones who did not stand up and change their place among the Greeks, we from among whom in fact Homer the epic poet said came to Ilion the best man at marshalling and thoroughly ordering an army. Thus no reproach to us is there in saying those prior statements”.

Gelon answered with this: “Athenian foreign friend, you seem to have those who rule, but not to be going to have those who will be ruled. Since then you let go down nothing and wish the whole, you could not be too soon in departing back the quickest way and announcing to Greece that from the year the spring of hers has been taken out”. [And that following’s the meaning of the statement, what it wants to say, that, because it’s clear that in the year the spring is the most esteemed part, then of the Greeks’ host his own host is; hence, Greece deprived of his alliance he was making like as if the spring from the year should be taken out.]

The Greeks’ messengers indeed, having negotiated like that with Gelon, were sailing away, and Gelon thereupon, being afraid concerning the Greeks lest they not be able to overthrow for themselves the barbarian and considering it awful and not tolerable to go to the Peloponnese and be ruled by the Lacedaimonians, because he was Sicily’s tyrant, took no care of that way, but he was clinging to another; for, as soon as he had learned by inquiry that the Persian had gone across the Hellespont, he sent with three penteconters Cadmus, Scythes’ son, a Coian man, to Delphi, with much money and friendly speeches, to watch to see the battle in what way it will fall out, and if the barbarian won, the money to him to give and earth and water of that of which Gelon was the ruler, but, if the Greeks, back to perform a bringing away.

Now, that Cadmus earlier than that, having inherited from his father the well established tyranny over the Coians, as he was willing and nothing awful going in opposition but through the agency of justice, in the midst of Coians put down the rule and was gone to Sicily, where from the Samians he got hold of and settled down in the city of Zancle which to Messene had changed its name. That Cadmus indeed and in a manner like that come, Gelon on account of his justice, another instance which he himself was aware was his, was sending, him who on top of all the other just works done by him also this he left behind for himself as not the least of those: having gained mastery over much money, which to him Gelon had entrusted for himself, it being possible for himself to get hold of it utterly, he was not willing, but when the Greeks had gained a mastery in the naval battle and Xerxes was gone by driving away, in fact indeed he also came to Sicily and all the money together he was bringing.

And there is said also this by those settled in Sicily, that nevertheless, even though Gelon was to be ruled by the Lacedaemonians, he would have come to the rescue of the Greeks, if, having been driven out by Theron, Aenesidemus’ son, the Acragantinians’ monarch from Himere, Terillus, Crinippus’ son, who was tyrant of Himere, had not led in opposition during that very time from among the Phoenicians, the Libyans, the Iberians, the Ligyians, the Elisycians, the Sardonians and the Cyrnians thirty myriads and their general, Amilcas, Annon’s son, who was the Carchedonians’ king, and in accordance with the foreign friendship with himself he, Terillus, produced conviction and especially on account of the eagerness of Anaxileus, Cretines’ son, who, being Rhegium’s tyrant, his own offspring gave as hostages to Amilcas and was performing a leading in opposition to Sicily in succouring his father-in-law; for Terillus’ daughter Anaxileus had as wife, whose name was Cydippe. Thus indeed having proven not able to come to the rescue of the Greeks, Gelon was sending away the money to Delphi.

And besides also they say this, that there occurred on the same day in Sicily Gelon and Theron’s prevailing over Amilcas the Carchedonian and in Salamis the Greeks’ over the Persian. And Amilcas, who was Carchedonian on his father’s side and from his mother’s side Syrecosian and had become king of the Carchedonians because of manly goodness, when the engagement was happening and when he was being worsted in the battle, was made to disappear I have learned by inquiry; for neither living nor dead did he appear anywhere on earth; for the whole Gelon went out over and was searching.

And there is by the Carchedonians themselves this account given, and they are making use of a reasonable one, that the barbarians with the Greeks in Sicily were fighting, after having begun from dawn, up to late afternoon (for over that great an extent, it is said, the conflict dragged on) and Amilcas in that time, remaining in the camp, was sacrificing for himself and was seeking omens for himself by burning as offerings on a large pyre whole bodies and, having seen that a rout of those of his was being made, when in fact he was pouring libations on the sacred victims, he thrust himself into the fire. Thus indeed he was burned utterly and made to disappear. So, for Amilcas, when he had been made to disappear in a manner either like that that the Phoenicians say or in the other that the Carchedonians and the Syrecosians do, for him, on the one hand , they sacrifice and, on the other, made monuments in all the cities of their colonies, and the largest in Carchedon itself . What was from Sicily was that much.

Now, the Cercyrians, having given to the messengers the following answers, performed acts like the following; for in fact those there were trying to take over precisely the same persons who had come to Sicily and they were speaking the same speeches that they also were speaking to Gelon: they then straightway were promising that they would send and help and they were pointing out that by them Greece’s being destroyed had not to be overlooked, because, if it was tripped up, they at any rate would do nothing other than be slaves on the first of the days, but they must provide succour to the greatest possible degree. They gave thus specious answers, but when they had to come to the rescue, having other thoughts in mind, they filled sixty ships and with difficulty they were led out and reached the Peloponnese. And round Pylos and Taenarus in the land of the Lacedaemonians they were anchoring their ships and those too were watching to see the war, how it would fall out, as they were not expecting that the Greeks would overcome, but were thinking that the Persian, having gained utter mastery by far, would rule the whole of Greece. Hence they were performing their act purposely, that they might be able to the Persian to speak like this: “O king, we, when the Greeks were trying to take us over for that war, who have not the least power and would have furnished not the least number of ships but the largest after at any rate the Athenians, were willing not to oppose you and not to do any disfavor”. In speaking like that, they were expecting to win something more than all the others; precisely that would actually have happened, as it seems to me. And in reference to the Greeks by them was made the excuse precisely which indeed they actually used; for, when the Greeks were making the accusation that they resisted coming to the rescue, they were asserting that they had filled sixty ships, but through the agency of the etesian winds they had proven not able to round Malee; thus they had not come to Salamis and because of no badness were left out of the naval battle. Those thus knocked off themselves the Greeks.

And the Cretans, when those of the Greeks who had been appointed in charge of those were trying to take them over, acted like this: having sent jointly messengers to consult the god to Delphi, they were asking the god whether for them it proved better, if they succoured Greece. So the Pythia answered, “O infants, you are finding fault with all the causes for tears that for you in consequence of your acts of succour for Menalaus Minos sent in his being angry, in that they joined with him in making an exaction for his death in Camicus, when it had happened, not, but you did with those in doing so for the woman from Sparta seized by a barbarian man”. The Cretans, when that that had been bought away they had heard, held themselves off from their succour.

For, it is said, Minos in seeking for Daedalus came to Sicania, which is now called Sicily, and died by a violent death. Then in the course of time the Cretans, because a god had urged them on, all except the Polichnitians and the Praesians, came with a large expedition to Sicania and were besieging for five years the city of Camicus, which in my time the Acragantinians were inhabiting. And finally, because they were able neither to perform a taking nor remain by, since with hunger they were come to grips, they performed an abandonment and were gone. So, when off Iepygie they had come to be in their sailing, them a great storm overtook and cast out onto the land and, their boats smashed, since for them no means of conveying themselves any longer appeared, thereupon, having founded Hyrie, a city, they remained behind and, having changed, instead of Cretans they became Iepygian Messapians and instead of being islanders mainlanders. Now, from Hyrie, a city, they settled all the other lands that indeed the Tarantinians a long time later in trying to make stand up and out stumbled greatly, so that the largest killing of Greeks that indeed proved of all that we know of, of theTarantinians themselves and the Rheginians, who, men from among the townspeople, being compelled by Micythus, Choerus’ son, and having come as succourers for the Tarantinians, died, three thousand of those, while of the Tarantinians themselves there was no number in addition. And Micythus, who was a household servant of Anaxileus, as the guardian of Rhegium was left behind, precisely that one who, having been banished from Rhegium and having settled in the Tegea of the Arcadians, dedicated in Olympia those many statues.

Well, what’s concerning the Rheginians and theTarantinians of the account of mine has proven an addition. Now, it’s that in Crete, when it had been made empty, as the Praesians say, were settled other human beings and especially Greeks and the third generation after Minos’ having met his end happened the Trojan matters, in which not the most cowardly manifestly were the Cretans as succourers to Menelaus. In revenge for that, then, for them, when they had returned back from Troy, hunger and plague came about, both for themselves and their cattle, until, for the second time Crete made empty, with those left behind a third group now inhabits it as Cretans. The Pythia indeed, having called that to mind, restrained them, who wanted to succour the Greeks.

Now, the Thessalians through the agency of necessity at the first medized, as they showed plainly, in that to them was not pleasing what the Aleuadians were contriving. For, as soon as they had learned by inquiry that the Persian was to cross over into Europe, they sent to the Isthmus messengers. And in the Isthmus were gathered delegates of Greece taken from the cities that were better minded concerning Greece. Then, having coming to those, the Thessalians’ messengers were saying, “Greek men, the Olympian pass must be guarded, that Thessaly and the whole of Greece together may be in a shelter from the war. Now, we are ready to join in the guarding, but you too must send a large host, because, if you will not perform a sending, we, know, will make an agreement with the Persian; for, mind you, we, not sitting down so great a guard for the rest of Greece alone, for you must be destroyed. So, when you want not to come to the rescue, you are able to apply no necessity to us; for necessity grows not at all stronger than inability. We then will try ourselves some kind of salvation to contrive”. That said the Thessalians.

Now, the Greeks thereupon took counsel for themselves that to Thessaly they should send by sea a foot army to guard the pass. And, when the army had been gathered together, it was sailing through Euripus and, having come in Achaea to Alus, it disembarked and was making its way to Thessaly, after it had left its ships behind, and it came to Tempea to precisely the pass that from lower Macedonia to Thessaly leads alongside the river Peneius, which is between Olympus the mountain and Ossa. There they were camping, about ten thousand hoplites of the Greeks, gathered together and in addition to them was the Thessalians’ horse. And general of the Lacedaemonians was Euaenetus, Carenus’ son, who was chosen from the rulers of war but who was not of the royal family, and of the Athenians Themistocles, Neocles’ son. So, they remained a few days there; for messengers came from Alexander, Amyntes’ son, a Macedonian man, and were advising them to depart and to not remain in the pass and be trampled by the army that was going in opposition, while they were indicating the host’s multitude and their ships and, when those were giving them that advice, because they were thinking that they were giving useful advice and to them the Macedonian manifestly was well-disposed, they were persuaded. But, as far as it seems to me, what was persuading was fear, when they had learned by inquiry that there was also another pass to the Thessalians by upper Macedonia through the Perrhaebians, by Gonnus, a city, precisely the one by which indeed the host of Xerxes actually threw itself in. Then the Greeks went down to their ships and were making their way back to the Isthmus.

The expedition to Thessaly proved that, while the king was to cross over to Europe from Asia and was by then in Abydos. The Thessalians then, made empty of allies, thus indeed medized eagerly and not any longer equivocally, so that in their acts manifestly to the king they were most useful men.

Then the Greeks, when they had come to the Isthmus, were taking counsel in view of what had been said by Alexander in what way they would set up for themselves the war and in what kinds of places, and the prevailing opinion was proving that they should guard the pass in Thermopylae; for it manifestly was narrower than that into Thessaly as well as one and nearer their own land, and the path, through which were taken those of the Greeks who were taken in Thermopylae, they did not even know was, precisely before they came to Thermopylae and learned of it by inquiry from the Trechinians. Hence they took counsel that by guarding that pass they should not let the barbarian go by into Greece and that the naval army should sail in the Histiaean land to Artemisium. For both those spots are so near each other as for one to learn by inquiry the affairs that are concerned with each and the places are thus: on the one hand, Artemisium --from the open Thracian sea from a broad spot a drawing close is made to the passage between the island of Sciathus and the mainland of Magnesia-- from the narrow spot then in Euboea by now Artemisium follows, a beach, and therein Artemis’ shrine, and, in turn, the way through Trechis into Greece is, where it’s narrowest, half a plethron. Not, however, at that point at any rate is the narrowest part in all the rest of the country, but in front of Thermopylae and behind, since at Alpenoi, which is behind, it is only a road of a cart’s breadth and in front at the Phoenix river near Anthele, a city, only another road of a cart’s breadth. Of Thermopylae what’s towards the west’s a mountain, impassable and precipitous, a high one, that stretches up to Oete and what’s towards the east of the way sea follows on and shallows. Moreover, there is in that way in hot baths that the natives call the Earthenware Vessels, and an altar of Heracles is set up by them. Further, there had been built a wall at those passes and formerly at any rate gates were on, and the Phocians built the wall in fear, when the Thessalians had gone from the Thesprotians to settle in the Aeolian land, precisely which they now possess. Seeing that the Thessalians were trying to subject them, that precaution the Phocians took for themselves and the hot water at that time let go onto the way in, that the place might be cleft by gullies, because they were contriving everything that the Thessalians might not throw into the country of theirs. Now, the ancient wall from of old had been built and the greater part of it by then through the agency of time was fallen down, and to those then it seemed good to make it straight again and there to keep off from Greece the barbarian. And there is a village most near the way, Alpenoi in name, and from that the Greeks were reckoning that they would furnish themselves with food.

Now then, those places to the Greeks appeared to be suitable; for they, having previously considered all things together and having reckoned over that the barbarians would be able to use neither multitude nor horse --there to them it seemed good to receive him who was going in opposition to Greece. And when they had learned by inquiry that the Persian was in Pierie, they were parted from the Isthmus and were advancing with the army, some of them to Thermopylae on foot and others by sea to Artemisium.

The Greeks indeed with speed were coming to the rescue, after they had given their appointments, while the Delphians during that time were having a consultation at the oracle with the god in a state of dread on behalf of themselves and Greece and to them there was given as an oracle that they should pray to the winds, because those would be to Greece great allies. Then the Delphians, having received the prophecy, first to those of the Greeks who wanted to be free announced out what had been given as an oracle to them and, because they were awfully dreading the barbarian, after they had announced it out, they laid up for themselves an undying gratitude. Then after that the Delphians to the winds dedicated an altar in Thyie, precisely where the precinct of Thyie, Cephisus’ daughter, is, after whom that place too has its appellation, and with sacrifices went after them. The Delphians indeed in accordance with the oracle still even now propitiate the winds.

Then the naval army of Xerxes, having set off from Therme, a city, cast themselves across by means of the ten ships that were sailing best straight to Sciathus, where three Greek ships were keeping guard already, a Troezenian, an Aeginian and an Attic. So those, having seen the ships of the barbarians beforehand, rushed to flight.

The Troezenian indeed, the ruler of which was Prexinus, immediately the barbarians took, after they had followed after it, and thereafter him of its marines who was most beautiful they brought to the prow of the ship and cut the throat of, because they were considering of good omen him of the Greeks whom they took as the first and as the most beautiful. And the one who was cut at his throat’s name was Leon, Lion, and perhaps in some way in fact he might have gotten the fruit of his name.

And the Aeginian, a trireme the ruler of which was Asonides, in fact furnished some confusion for them as Pythees, Ischenous’ son, was a marine, who proved a good man that day, he who, when the ship was being taken, was holding out in fighting to that point until he was all together made mincemeat of. Then, when, having fallen, he was not dead but was breathing, the Persians, precisely those who were marines on the ships, on account of his virtue considered worth the most to cause him to survive and with myrrh they were trying to heal his wounds and with bands of flaxen linen cloth were making a wrapping. And him, when they had come back to their own camp, they were showing off with their wondering greatly to the host and were treating well, while all the others whom they had taken in that ship they were treating as slaves of war.

Two of the ships indeed thus were worsted, and the third, a trireme the ruler of which was Phormus, an Athenian man, in fleeing was completely ran aground at the outlets of the Peneius and over its hull the barbarians gained mastery, but over its men not. For, as soon as indeed the Athenians had run on aground their ship, they leapt off and, making their way through Thessaly, they were conveyed to Athens.

That the Greeks who were camping at Artemisium learned by inquiry through beacons from Sciathus. Then, having learned it by inquiry and having conceived a dread, from Artemisium they were changing their anchorage to Chalcis; they were going to guard the Euripus and were leaving day-watchers round the high spots of Euboea. And of the ten barbarian ships three drove aground round the reef that is between Sciathus and Magnesia and is called the Ant. Thereupon the barbarians, after they had put a pillar of stone, when they had conveyed it, on the reef, they themselves set off from Therme, when what was in way of them had become cleared off, and were sailing on with all their ships, once they had let go past eleven days after the king’s driving out from Therme. And concerning the reef for them, when it was most in the passage, Pammon the Scyrian led the way. So all day the barbarians were sailing and arrived on Sepias in Magnesia and the beach that is between Casthanaee, a city, and the Sepian promontory.

Now, up to that place and Thermopylae the army was without experience of evils and a multitude was at that time still, as I in reckoning have found: it was that that of the ships from Asia, being a thousand two hundred and seven, the original crowd that was of each of the nations, was twenty four myriads and besides a thousand and four hundred, as far as it is for those who are reckoning at a rate of two hundred men in each ship. And marines on those ships, apart from the native marines, were of the Persians and the Medes as well as of the Sacians thirty men. That other crowd amounts to thirty myriads and six thousand and besides two hundred and ten. Now, I will add further to that and the first number those from the penteconters, after I have made them be within, something which was more than them or less, at a rate of eighty man. So those boats were gathered together, as was said previously too, as three thousand. By now then the men in them would be twenty four myriads. That indeed was the nautical force from Asia, which all together was fifty one myriads, and the thousands on top of those were seven and besides there were six hundreds and a ten. And of the foot they amounted to a hundred and seventy myriads and of the horsemen eight myriads. Now, I will add further to those the Arabians who were driving the camels and the Libyans who were doing so to chariots, after I have made the multitude twenty thousand men. And lo! the multitude from the ships and the foot, when it is put together, amounts to two hundred thirty one myriads and besides seven thousands and six hundreds and a ten. That as that which was led up and out as an armed force from Asia itself is spoken of, without the train of servants that was following and the food-carrying boats and all who were sailing on those.

Now, the armed force that was being led from Europe indeed one must further reckon in addition to all that that has been numbered out and one has to speak a seeming. Now, as to ships the Greeks from Thrace and out of the islands that lie off Thrace were furnishing from themselves one hundred and twenty. Now, from those ships the men amount to two myriads and four thousand. And of the foot that there were furnishing from themselves the Thracians, the Paeonians, the Eordians, the Bottiians, the Chalcidian people, the Brygians, the Pierians, the Macedonians, the Perrhaebians, the Enienians, the Dolopians, the Magnetians, the Achaeans and all who inhabit the sea-coast of Thrace, of those nations thirty myriads I think they amounted to. Hence those myriads, when they are added to those from Asia, amount to, all the fighting ones of men, two hundred sixty four myriads, and there are on top of those sixteen hundreds and a ten.

So, that fighting force being in number that large, the train of servants that was following those and those who were on the food-carrying small vessels and again in all the other boats that were sailing together with the host, those I think were not fewer than the fighting men but more. And lo! I make them to be equal to those and neither more nor fewer in any way and those, being made equal to the fighting force, fill up a number of myriads equal to those. Thus five hundred twenty eight myriads, three thousands, two hundreds and two tens of men Xerxes, Darius’ son, led up to Sepias and Thermopylae.

That’s indeed the whole armed force of Xerxes together’s number, but of food-making women, concubines and eunuchs no one could speak an exact number and not again of yoke-animals and all the other load-carrying beasts and Indian dogs that were following, not even of those, by the agency of the mulititude could someone speak a number. Consequently no wonder stands by me that the streams of some rivers gave out, but rather how the foodstuffs sufficed is a wonder for me for that many myriads. For I have found by reckoning that, if a choenix of wheat each in the day was taking and nothing more, eleven myriads of medimnuses were spent on each day and besides three hundred and forty other medimnuses. And of women, eunuchs, yoke-animals and dogs I have not made a reckoning. And, of the men, being that many myriads, because of beauty and stature of them no one was more worthy than Xerxes himself of winning the having of that mastery.

Now indeed, the nautical army, when, having set off, it was sailing and had landed in the Magnesian country at the beach that is between Casthanaee, a city, and the Sepian promontory, the first of the ships indeed were moored off land, while others after those were at anchors; for, seeing that the beach was not large, they were moored ranged in rows the space into the sea and over the extent of eight ships. That kindly time it was thus, but together with dawn out of clearness and windlessness, the sea having come to a boil, there fell on them a great storm and much east wind, which indeed those who are settled in those spots call Hellespontian. Now, all of them who had learned that the wind was growing and those who were thus for anchorage, they then anticipated the storm and dragged their ships up on shore and they themselves survived as well as their ships, but all of the ships it had taken hold of on the high sea, some it was carrying out to the so-called Ovens on Pelion and some to the beach, while some round Sepias itself were cast out and some into Meliboea, a city, and some were shaken out into Casthanaee. In short, the storm’s matter was intolerable.

And an account is given that the Athenians called for themselves on the north wind on the basis of a message given by a god, since another oracle had gone to them that they should call for themselves their son-in-law as a helper. And the north wind in accordance with the Greeks’ account had an Attic wife, Oreithyia, Erechtheus’ daughter. In accordance with that kinship the Athenians, as the report is minded, reckoning that the north wind was a son-in-law of theirs, while they were lying in wait in ships in Euboea in Chalcis, when they had learned the storm was growing or maybe before that, were offering sacrifices for themselves to and calling for themselves on the north wind and Oreithyia to succour them and to destroy the barbarians’ ships, as also previously round Athos. Now, whether on account of that on the barbarians, while they were moored, the north wind fell, I am not able to say; anyhow, the Athenians say that the north wind, having previously come to their rescue, also then worked that out, and, having gone away, they set up for themselves a shrine of the north wind alongside the river Ilissus.

In that toil as to the ships they say, who do the fewest, that there were destroyed no fewer than four hundred and both innumerable men and an ungrudging multitude of wealth. Consequently, for Ameinoclees, Cretines’ son, a Magnetian man, who had land round Sepias, that shipwreck proved greatly useful, for him who many gold drinking-vessels at a later time, after they were shaken out on shore, took up for himself and many silver and both found the Persians’ treasuries and acquired for himself other untold wealth. But he in all else was not of good fortune, although because of his finds he had become greatly rich; for there was an unagreeable misfortune that was paining that one too of a child’s killing.

Now, of the food-carrying trading vessels and all the other boats that were destroyed there was no numbering in addition, so that the generals of the nautical army, in fear lest the Thessalians lay hands on them in their state of having being done evil, put round themselves a high fence out of the pieces of the shipwrecks. For three days indeed it was storming and finally the Magi, by making offerings cut in pieces and singing incantations by means of shouts to the wind and in addition to that by sacrificing to both Thetis and the Nereids, accomplished a stopping on the fourth day or for some other reason it on its own willingly abated. And to Thetis they were sacrificing, after they had learned by inquiry from the Ionians the account that from that place she was seized by Peleus and all the Sepian promontory together was that one and all the other Nereids’.

The storm indeed was at a stop on the fourth day, and to the Greeks the day-watchers, having run down from the Euboean hill-tops, the second day after that on which the first storm had happened were indicating all that had happened concerning the shipwreck. Then they, when they had learned of it by inquiry, having prayed to Poseidon the savior and poured forth libations, the quickest way were hastening back to Artemisium in the expectation that a few ships would be in opposition to them. They indeed the second time went to Artemisium and were lying in wait with ships and the appellation of Poseidon the savior from that time still even to this time they have been using customarily.

Now, the barbarians, when the wind had stopped and the waves were flat, having dragged down their ships, were sailing alongside the mainland and, having bent round the promontory of Magnesia, they were sailing straight to the gulf that leads towards Pagasae. And there is a place in that gulf in Magnesia, where it is said Heracles was left behind by Jason and his fellow companions from the Argo, after he had been sent for water, when they were sailing for the fleece to Colchian Aea; for thence they were, when they had gotten water for themselves, aphesein, to perform a letting go out, into the open sea, and after that the place’s name has become Aphetae. In that spot then Xerxes’ men were making anchorage.

Now, fifteen of those ships in fact were by far the last to have been led up and out to sea and somehow caught sight of the Greeks’ ships off Artemisium. The barbarians thought indeed they were their own and in sailing fell on their enemies. The general of them was the subordinate ruler from Aeolian Cyme, Sandoces, Thamasius’ son, and it was that very one indeed whom, when he was one of the royal judges, before that present matter King Darius because of a charge like the following had taken hold of and impaled: Sandoces for money judged an unjust judgement. Then, when he had been hung up, Darius found that by him more good deeds had been done than offenses to the royal house and Darius, having found that and having come to know that he himself had performed works more swift than wise, performed a release. From King Darius indeed thus he escaped, from being destroyed, and was surviving, but at that time, having sailed down to the Greeks, he was not to be one who escaped the second time; for, when the Greeks had seen that they were sailing towards them, having learned of their error that was happening, they were led up to sea again and easily took hold of them.

In one of those ships Aridolis was sailing and was captured, the tyrant of the Alabanda in Caria, and in another the Paphian general Penthylus, Demonous’ son, who was the leader of twelve ships from Paphos and, after he had lost eleven of them because of the storm that had happened off Sepias, with the one that had become a survivor in sailing down to Artemisium was captured. Of those the Greeks inquired about what they wanted to learn by inquiry of Xerxes’ host and sent them away bound to the Corinthians’ isthmus.

Indeed the nautical army of the barbarians, apart from the fifteen ships of which I have said Sandoces was general, came to Aphetae. And Xerxes and the foot, having made their way through Thessaly and Achaea, had thrown in fact by then on the third day into the Melians, after in Thessaly he had had made a competition of his own horses, while he was making a trial of the Thessalian horse too, because he had learned by inquiry that it was the best of those among the Greeks. Then indeed the Greek horses were being left far behind. Now, of the rivers in Thessaly the Onochonus alone sufficed not for the host in its stream in its being drunk, while of the rivers in Achaea in their flowing not even that which is the largest of them, the Epidanus, not even that one held out except poorly.

Installment 40            
 Then when to Alus in Achaea had come Xerxes, those leading down in the way, wanting to expound the whole, were giving him a native account, the matters concerning the shrine of Laphystian Zeus, that Athamas, Aeolus’ son, had contrived for Phrixus doom, after he had taken counsel with Ino, and thereafter that on the basis of a message of a god the Achaeans put on that one’s descendants contests like this: whoever of that family is oldest, they impose on that one to keep himself away from the leiton and they themselves keep their guards (and leiton, people’s place, the Achaeans call the town-hall) and, if he goes in, there is no way in which he will go out before he should be to be sacrificed and that further in addition to that many by then of those who were to be sacrificed in fear had run away and were gone to another country and, time going forth, after they had gone back down, if they were captured going into the town-hall, that there was sacrificed, they were expounding, everyone thickly covered with wreathes and that with a procession he was led out. Now, that suffer Cytissorus Phrixus’ child’s descendants, on account of that fact that, when as purificatory offering for their country the Achaeans were considering on the basis of a message from a god Athamas, Aeolus’ son, and were to sacrifice him, that Cytissorus came from Colchian Aea and performed a deliverance and, after he had done that, on those who were born afterwards of himself he threw the god’s wrath. So Xerxes, having heard that, when he was coming to be by the grove, himself was keeping himself away from it and made an announcement to all his host; Athamas’ descendants house similarly as the sacred precinct he was reverencing.

Those were the matters in Thessaly and those in Achaea, and from those places he went to Melia alongside a gulf of the sea, in which ebb and flow during every day come to be. And round that gulf is a flat place, here wide and here quite very narrow, and round the place lofty and impassable mountains enclose the whole Melian land and are called Trechinian Rocks. Now, the first city on the gulf for one going from Achaea is Anticyre, alongside which the Spercheius river flows from the Enienians and disembogues into the sea. And from that after an interval of somewhere round twenty stades is another river, to whom as a name is assigned Dyras, which as a comer to Heracles’ rescue, when he was being burnt, there is an account was brought up to light. And from that after an interval of another twenty stades is another river which is called the Black.

Trechis, then, a city, from that Black river five stades is distant. And there also is the widest spot in all that country to the sea from the mountains, at which Trechis is built as a city; for twenty two thousand plethra is the plain’s. Then in the mountain that encloses the Trechinian land there is a chasm towards the south of Trechis and through the chasm the Asopus river flows alongside the foothills of the mountain.

Then there is another river, the Phoenix, not a large one, toward the south of the Asopus, that from those mountains flows and into the Asopus disembogues. And at the Phoenix river is the narrowest spot; for there is built only a road of a cart’s breadth. Then from the Phoenix river it is fifteen stades to Thermopylae and in what’s between the Phoenix river and Thermopylae is a village, to which as a name Anthele is assigned, alongside which indeed flows the Asopus and into the sea disembogues, and there‘s a broad place round it, in which Amphictyonid Demeter’s shrine is set up and there are seats for the Amphictyons and Amphictyon himself’s shrine.

King Xerxes indeed was camping in Melis in theTrechinian land, and the Greeks in the way through. And that place is called by the greater number of the Greeks Thermopylae, but by the natives and those settled round Pylae. Now, they were camping each in those places, and he was master over all that extended towards the north wind up to Trechis and they over what led towards the south wind and the south through what was on the mainland.

Now, these of the Greeks were those who were awaiting the Persian in that place: from the Spartiates three hundred hoplites and from the Tegeans and the Mantinians a thousand, half from each, from Orchomenus in Arcadia a hundred and twenty and from the remaining part of Arcadia a thousand, that many from the Arcadians and from Corinth four hundred as well as from Phleious two hundred and from the Mycenaeans eighty. Those were present from the Peloponnese and from the Boeotians from the Thespians seven hundred and from the Thebans four hundred.

In addition to those there came to be called for the Opountian Locrians with their whole host and from the Phocians a thousand. For the Greeks themselves called for them for themselves and were saying through messengers that they themselves were present as forerunners of all the others and the remaining of the allies were expected every day, while the sea was under guard of them, since it was was being kept watch over by the Athenians and the Aeginetians as well as those who had been appointed to the nautical army, and for them there was nothing awful --for the one who was going in opposition to Greece was no god but a human being and there was not any mortal and would not be, with whom evil, from the beginning when he was being born, was not mixed, and with the greatest ones the greatest ones; hence also the one who was driving in opposition ought, on the ground that he is mortal, from pride to fall. So, having learned that by inquiry, they were coming to the rescue to Trechis.

Now, of those there were also other generals for the cities of each group, but he who was wondered at most and of the whole armed force was leader was a Lacedaemonian, Leonides, Anaxandrides’ son, Leon’s son, Eurycratides’ son, Anaxandrus’ son, Eurycrates’ son, Polydorus’ son, Alcamenes’ son, Teleclus’ son, Archeleus’ son, Hegesileus’ son, Doryssus’ son, Leobotes’ son, Echestratus’ son, Egis’ son, Eurysthenes’ son, Aristodemus’ son, Aristomachus’ son, Cleodaeus’ son, Hyllus’ son, Heracles’ son, who had acquired the kingdom in Sparta unexpectedly. For, since his were two older brothers, Cleomenes and Dorieus, he was driven away from thought concerning the kingdom. Yet, since Cleomenes had died childless, without male generation, and Dorieus was no longer, but had met his end, that one too, in Sicily, thus indeed to Leonides the kingdom went up, and on account of the fact that he had been born earlier than Cleombrotus (for that one was the youngest son of Anaxandrides) and, in particular, had as wife Cleomenes’ daughter. He at that time went to Thermopylae, after he had picked out for himself the men who were established as three hundred and whose in fact were sons. And he came, after he had taken over those of the Thebans whom I have reckoned into the number and spoken of, of whom the general was Leontiades, Eurymachus’ son. Now, for the following reason those Leonides exerted eagerness to take over, alone of the Greeks, in that against them greatly medizing had been made as an accusation; hence he was performing a calling near to the war, because he wished to know whether they would join in the sending or maybe would renounce in the open the Greeks’ alliance. But they with other thoughts were performing the sending.

Those with Leonides the Spartiates sent off first, that, seeing those, all the other allies might advance with an army and those not medize too, if they learned by inquiry that they themselves were delaying. Then afterwards --for the Carneia was in their way-- they were, having held the festival and left guards in Sparta, with speed to come to the rescue with the whole people. And thus also the remaining of the allies were minded, themselves too, to perform other deeds like that; for there was after the same fashion an Olympiad that with those events coincided, Hence, not thinking that with speed thus the war in Thermopylae would be decided, they were sending forerunners.

Those indeed thus thoroughly were minded to do, but the Greeks in Thermopylae, when the Persian had come to be near the pass, in their utter dreading were taking counsel for themselves concerning departure. Now, to all the other Peloponnesians it seemed good to go to the Peloponnesus and keep the isthmus under guard, but Leonides, the Phocians and the Locrians very angered by that opinion, was casting his voting-pebble for remaining right there and for sending messengers to the cities who would bid come to their rescue, on the ground that they were too few to resist the army of the Medes.

While they were taking that counsel, Xerxes was sending as a watcher a horseman to see for himself how many they were and what they were doing. Now, he had heard, while he was still in Thessaly, that a small host was gathered there, and of its leaders that they were the Lacedaemonians and Leonides, who was in family a son of Heracles. Then, when the horseman had driven to the camp, he was beholding and looking over not the whole camp; for those stationed inside the wall that they had made straight again and were keeping under guard it was not possible to look over for oneself. But he was learning of those outside, whose gear were lying in front of the wall, and in fact during that time the Lacedaimonians were stationed outside. Some of the men indeed, he was seeing, were exercising naked for themselves and some were combing their hair for themselves. At his beholding that indeed he was wondering and he was learning their multitude. Then, after he had learned all exactly, he was driving away back at ease; for both no one was in pursuit and he had gotten much disregard. In short, having gone back, he was saying to Xerxes all the very sights that he had seen.

Then in hearing Xerxes was not able to comprehend for himself what was, that they were preparing themselves with the intention that they would be destroyed or destroy according to ability, but, because to him laughable deeds they appeared to perform, he sent for Demaretus, Ariston’s son, who was in the camp. So him, when he had come, Xerxes was asking about each of those matters, since he wished to learn what was being done by the Lacedaemonians. Then he said, “You have heard also before from me, when we were setting off against Greece, about those men and, although you had heard, you made me for yourself a laughingstock, when I was saying precisely which way I was seeing matters there would come out. For for me to practice the truth in your presence, o king, is the greatest aim. Hear then also now. Those men have come to fight with us concerning the way in and are making those preparations. For a law of theirs that is thus there is: whenever they are to run the risk of their soul, at that time they adorn themselves in respect to their heads. Know then: if those and what awaits in Sparta you will subject, there is no other nation among human beings that you, king, will await while it raises hands for itself in opposition; for now against the most beautiful kingdom of those among the Greeks you are approaching and the best men”. Quite very incredible to Xerxes appeared what was being said and next afterwards he was asking in what manner, being that many, they would fight his host. The other then said, “O king, use me as a lying man, unless that for you comes out in that way in which I am saying”. Saying that, he could not persuade Xerxes.

Quite four days he let go by, because he was expecting on each and every occasion that they would run away, and the fifth, when they would not depart, but to him they appeared to thoroughly use lack of shame and lack of counsel and to remain, he sent against them the Medes and the Cissians in anger and gave the injunction to capture alive and to lead them into his sight. Then, when there had fallen in their charging onto the Greeks the Medes, there fell many, but others went in afterwards, and they would not drive away, although they were stumbling greatly. And they were making clear to everyone and not least to the king himself that human beings were many, but men few. And the encounter was happening through the day.

So, when the Medes were being treated harshly, thereupon those went out and off and the Persians, having followed afterwards, went in opposition, whom the king was calling Immortals, of whom the ruler was Hydarnes, with the intention that they there at any rate easily utterly would perform the work. Then, when those too were joining battle with the Greeks, they were winning nothing more than the Median host, but the same gains, seeing that they were fighting in a narrow pass and using shorter lances than the Greeks and were not able to use their multitude. And the Lacedaemonians were fighting in a manner worthy of account, because they were showing forth for themselves other deeds among those who knew not how to fight, as they knew how completely, and whenever they turned about their backs, gathered together they fled forsooth, while the barbarians, seeing they were fleeing, with shouting and noise went in opposition. Then the others, when they were overtaken, turned back to be facing the barbarians and, when they turned themselves round, threw down for multitude innumerable of the Persians, and there fell also of the Spartiates themselves there a few. So, when the Persians were able to take over nothing of the way in, although they were trying by attacking by regiments and in every kind of way, they drove away back.

During those assaults in the battle it is said the king, while he was beholding, thrice jumped up from his seat in fear about his host. Then thus they competed and the next day the barbarians were contending no better; for, seeing that there were few, having supposed that they were utterly wounded and would not be able any longer to raise up for themselves hands in opposition, they gave battle. But the Greeks by lines and by nations were ordered and in turn each group fought, except the Phocians; those then were appointed to the mountain to guard the path. So, when the Persians found nothing more of another kind than on the day before they saw, they drove away.

The king being at a loss what use to make of the present matter, Epialtes, Eurydemus’ son, a Melian man, went in speeches with him, on the ground that he was thinking that he would win something great from the king; he pointed out the path that leads through the mountain to Thermopylae and was destroying those who there remained of the Greeks. And later in fear of the Lacedaemonians he fled to Thessaly and on him, after he had fled, by the Pylagorians, while the Amphictyonians were gathering themselves in Pylaee, a price in silver was put and heralded out. Then a time later, because he went back from exile to Anticyre, he died at the hands of Athenades, a Trechinian man. And that Athenades, although he killed Epialtes on account of another reason that I in my future accounts will indicate, he was honored, however, by the Lacedaemonians no less. Epialtes thus later then that died.

And there is another account given, that Onetes, Phanagores’ son, a Carystian man, and Corydallus, an Anticyrian, are those who spoke to the king those accounts and led round the mountain the Persians, although it’s in no way to me at any rate credible. For, on the one hand, by this one must judge, that the Pylagorians of the Greeks put on not Onetes and Corydallus a price in silver and heralded it out but on Epialtes the Trechinian and in every way doubtless they had learned by inquiry what was most exact and, on the other, that Epialtes was fleeing from that charge we know. For Onetes would know, even though he was not a Melian, that path, if he should have visited the country often, but, because Epialtes was the one who was the leader round the mountain along the path, that one’s the cause I write.

Then Xerxes, since it had pleased what Epialtes had promised that he would work out, immediately, having become overjoyed, he was sending Hydarnes and those of whom the general was Hydarnes, and they were setting forth round lamps’ lightings from the camp. That path the Melians discovered and, when they had made the discovery, they led the Thessalians against the Phocians at that time when the Phocians had fenced with a wall the pass and were in a shelter from the war. And since that long it was shown utterly to be good in no way to the Melians.

And that path is thus: it begins from the Asopus river that flows through the chasm and, as to a name, to that mountain and to the path the same is assigned, Anopeia, and that Anopeia stretches along the ridge of the mountain and comes to an end at Alpenus, a city, which is the first of the Locrian cities towards the Melians, and at a rock that is called Melampygus’ and at the Cecropians’ seats, where in fact is its narrowest spot.

Along that path indeed and that thus was, the Persians, having crossed the Asopus, were making their way the whole night with the mountains of the Oetians on the right and those of the Trechinians on the left. Dawn indeed was bringing light through and they came to be on the summit of the mountain. Now, at that spot on the mountain were keeping guard, as has been made clear by me before too, a thousand hoplites from among the Phocians, who were trying to deliver their own country and were keeping watch over the path. For the lower pass was being guarded by those in regard to whom it has been spoken, but over the path through the mountain the Phocians voluntarily, having made a promise to Leonides, were keeping guard.

Then the Phocians learned that they had gone up this way: for the Persians were escaping notice when they were going up the mountain, because it was all quite full of oaks. Although there was indeed lack of wind, yet, much noise being made, as was reasonable, since leaves were spread under their feet, the Phocians jumped up and were putting on their gear, and immediately the barbarians were present. Now, when they had seen that men were putting on themselves gear, they came to be in a state of marvel; for, expecting that nothing would appear opposed to them, they met with an army. Thereupon Hydarnes, in dread lest the Phocians be Lacedaemonians, asked Epialtes of what country the army was and, having learned by inquiry exactly, he was drawing up the Persians as for battle. Then the Phocians, when they were being hit with many thickset arrows, were fleeing and were gone to the mountain’s peak, because they knew that they had set off against them to begin with, and were preparing themselves with the intention that they would be destroyed. Those indeed were having that in mind, but the Persians round with Epialtes and Hydarnes of the Phocians were taking no account and they went down the mountain with speed.

Now, to those of the Greeks who were in Thermopylae first the prophet Megisties, after he had looked into the sacred offerings, pointed out the death that was to be for them together with dawn, and next there were deserters too who announced out the Persians’ going round. Those, when it was still night, made indications, and third the day-watchers did, after they had run down from the heights, by then when day was beginning a thorough bringing forth to light. Thereupon the Greeks were taking counsel, and of them the opinions were split; for some would not allow abandoning their post and some were of the opposite view. Then after that, when they had been divided up, some were departing and, having been dispersed, to their cities each group turned itself, and some of them together with Leonides were preparing to remain there.

Now, it is also said that Leonides himself sent them away, because he was concerned lest they be destroyed, but for him and those of the Spartiates who were present it was not seemly to abandon the post to which they had gone to keep guard in the beginning. Of that following way even more I am most of the opinion, that Leonides, when he had perceived that the allies were lacking in eagerness and not willing to join in thoroughly running risks, bade them depart, but for him to go away was not beautiful. But for him, if he remained there, great renown was being left behind, and Sparta’s happiness would not be wiped out. For it had been given as an oracle by the Pythia to the Spartiates, when they were consulting the oracle about that war immediately at the beginning when it was being stirred up, that either Lacedaemon would be made to migrate by the barbarians or their king would be destroyed. That oracle, then, to them in hexametric epic verses she gave that is this:

Now, for you, o settlers of Sparta of broad places,
Either glorious great town by Perseid men
Is sacked or that is not, but from Heracles’ stock
Will mourn perished king Lacedaemon’s boundary.
For that one not bulls’ might will hold and not lions’
With opposed force --for he holds Zeus’ might-- and I say
He’ll not be held till all of one of these he tears.

Since that indeed Leonides was considering and he wanted to put down for himself renown for the Spartiates alone, he sent away the allies rather than that, after they had been made to differ in opinion, so disorderedly those who were gone be gone.

And a piece of evidence for me, not the least, about that also the following has proven, that the prophet too who was following that host, Megisties the Acarnenian, who was said to be by descent from Melampous, that one who had said on the basis of the sacred offerings what was to turn out for them, Leonides was manifest in his sending away, that he might not be destroyed with them. And he, although he was being sent away, himself performed no abandonment, but his child, as he was joining in advancing with the army, because he was his only-begotten, he sent away.

Now, the allies who were sent away went away and were gone and they were obeying Leonides, while the Thespians and the Thebans alone remained behind with the Lacedaemonians. Of those, then, the Thebans unwillingly were remaining and with no wanting --for them Leonides was detaining and in the hostages’ account was considering-- while the Thespians were most willingly, who asserted that in an abandoning of Leonides and those with him they would not depart; rather in having remained behind they joined in the dying. And the general of them was Demophilus, Diadromes’ son.

So Xerxes, when at the sun’s having risen up he had made for himself libations, held up a time until somewhere round the public square’s fullness and was beginning to carry out an approach; for in fact he had been enjoined by Epialtes thus. For from the mountain the going down is cut shorter and far briefer’s the place precisely than the way round and the going up. Indeed the barbarians round with Xerxes approached, and the Greeks round with Leonides, on the ground that they were going the way out for death, by then by far more than at the beginning were going on out to the broader part of the neck. For the fence of the wall was being guarded and they during the previous days went out in a sally into the narrow passes and were fighting. Then, however, in joining battle outside of the narrows there fell in multitude many of the barbarians; for behind the leaders of the regiments with whips were striking as with rods every man and on each and every occasion to the farther point were performing an urging on. Many of them indeed were falling into the sea and were being destroyed and by far still more were being trod down by each other, and there was no estimation of him who was being destroyed. For, seeing that they knew of the death that was to be for them at the hands of those who were going round the mountain, they were showing forth for themselves as great an amount of strength as they had, as they were using themselves with disregard and acting demented.

Now, the lances of the greater number of them at that time by then in fact were utterly broken and they with their swords were doing the Persians to death. And Leonides in that toil fell, after he had proven the best man, and with him other named ones among the Spartiates, of whom I, on the ground that they proved worthy men, have learned by inquiry the names, and I have learned by inquiry also all the three hundred together’s. And lo! of the Persians fell there many other named ones and moreover indeed also of Darius two children, Abrocomes and Hyperanthes, of Artanes’ daughter, Phratagoune, born to Darius. And Artanes was Darius the king’s brother and Hystaspes Arsames’ son’s child, who also in giving out in marriage his daughter to Darius all his house gave in addition, on the ground that that one was his only offspring.

Of Xerxes indeed two brothers there fell, while they were fighting, and over the corpse of Leonides of the Persians and of the Lacedaemonians was being made much struggling, until the Greeks dragged that out and away by virtue and routed their opponents four times. And that struggle was being joined until those with Epialtes came to be present. Then, when the Greeks had learned by inquiry that those were present, thereafter by then the quarrel was made of another kind; for into the narrow part of the way they were returning back and, having passed for themselves by the wall, they went and were seating themselves on the hill all gathered together, all the others except the Thebans. And the hill is on the way in, where now the stone lion stands in honor of Leonides. In that place them, while they were defending themselves with daggers, for whom among them they in fact still survived, and with hands and with mouths, the barbarians covered with a heap by their throwing of missiles, some who performed their pursuit from the land opposite and demolished the fence of the wall, some who went round from all sides in a standing round.

Although the Lacedaemonians and the Thespians proved like that, nevertheless it is said that the best man proved a Spartiate, Dieneces, who, they assert, said this following saying before they joined battle with the Medes, after he had learned by inquiry from one of the Trechinians that, whenever the barbarians let their missiles go off, the sun by the multitude of their arrows they concealed --that great a multitude of them there was; that one then was not struck out of himself by that and said, as in lack of account he was considering the Medes’ multitude, that the Trechinian foreigner made an announcement of all good to them, if, the Medes concealing the sun, under shade the battle would be against them and not in sun. That and other sayings of a manner like that they assert Dieneces the Lacedaemonian left for himself as a memorial.

Then after that one to have been the best are said two Lacedaemonian brothers, Alpheus and Maron, Orsiphantus’ children, while of the Thespians he was most well esteemed whose name was Dithyrambus, Harmatides’ son.

Now, on them who were buried right there precisely where they had fallen and on those who met their end before those sent away by Leonides were gone, letters are written that say this:

With three hundred myriads once here were fighting
Out of the Peloponnese four thousands.

Those indeed on all are written, but on the Spartiates privately:

O stranger, tell Lacedaemonians that here
We lie to their speeches in obedience.

On the Lacedaemonians indeed is that, but on the prophet this:

Here’s famed Megisties’ monument, whom once Medes,
Having passed the Spercheius river, killed,
A prophet who then dooms’ going on plainly knew
And dared not Sparta’s leaders abandon.

Now, with inscriptions and pillars, except for the prophet’s inscription, the Amphictyonians are the ones who afterwards adorned them, while that of the prophet Megisties Simonides, Leoprepes’ son, is in accordance with a foreign friendship the one who inscribed.

Further, two of those three hundred, it is said, Eurytus and Aristodemus, it being possible from them both to use a common account and either to be brought away to safety together into Sparta, since they had been released from the camp and were lying down in Alpenoi, because they were suffering with ophthalmia to the extreme, or, if at any rate they wanted not to return, to die together with all the others, it being possible for them to do one of those things, they were not willing to think the same, but they were made to differ and Eurytus for his part, after he had learned by inquiry of the Persians’ way round, when he had demanded and put on his gear, bade his helot to bring him to those fighting and, when he had led him, one, he who had led, fled and was gone and one fell in with the crowd and was destroyed, and Aristodemus for his part was leaving his soul and was left. Now, if Aristodemus alone had been in pain and returned back to Sparta or maybe together a conveying of them both had been made, so far as it seems to me, to them the Spartiates would not have added for themselves any wrath, but as it was, when one of them had been destroyed and one, although he was clinging to the same excuse, yet had not been willing to die, it was necessary for them to be greatly wrathful with Aristodemus.

Now,some say that thus Aristodemus was brought to safety to Sparta and on account of an excuse like this preceding and some that as a mesenger he was sent from the camp and, it being possible for him to take hold down on the battle while it was happening, he was not willing, but he remained behind in the way and came to be a survivor, while his fellow-messenger came to the battle and died.

Then, having returned back to Lacedaemon, Aristodemus had reproach and dishonor and by undergoing sufferings like this he was dishonored: neither to him of fire would any of the Spartiates offer an act of kindling nor talk, and he had a reproach by being called the trembler Aristodemus. But he in the battle in Plataeae took off all the blame brought against him.

Further it is said also another sent away as a messenger to Thessaly from among those three and came to be a survivor, whose name was Pantites, and that one had returned and, when he had been dishonored, he hanged himself.

Now, the Thebans, of whom Leontiades was the general, for a time with the Greeks were and were fighting, because they were held by necessity, against the king’s host, but when they had seen that the Persians’ affairs were becoming superior, thus indeed, when the Greeks with Leonides were hastening towards the hill, they, having been split off from those, were stretching forth hands and went near the barbarians, while they were saying the truest of speeches, that they were medizing and earth and water among the first had given to the king, but because they were held by necessity, to Thermopylae they had come and were not the cause of the blow that had come about to the disadvantage of the king. By saying that, they came to be survivors; for they had the Thessalians also as witnesses of those speeches. However, not in all things at any rate did they have good fortune; for, when the barbarians had taken hold of them in their going, them, some, they also killed as they were going forward and the greater number of them at the bidding of Xerxes they branded with the king’s brands and began from the general Leontiades, whose child Eurymachus a time thereafter the Plataeans killed, when he was general of four hundred Theban men and had gotten hold of the town of the Plataeans.

Indeed the Greeks round Thermopylae thus competed, and Xerxes, having called Demaretus, was asking questions and began from this spot: “Demaretus, you are a good man and I take evidence from the truth; for all that you had said together came out thus. So now speak to me how many ones are the remaining Lacedaemonians and of those how many are like that in the things of war or whether maybe all together”. Then he said, “O king, a large multitude’s of all the Lacedaemonians and many cities, but what you wish to come to learn completely, you will know. There is in Lacedaemon Sparta, a city of eight thousand men approximately. All those are similar to those who fought here; now all the other Lacedaemonians at any rate, although they’re not similar to these, yet are good”. Thereupon said Xerxes, “Demaretus, in what manner with the greatest lack of toil will we gain mastery over those men? Come, expound. For you have hold of the ways through and out of their counsels, seeing that you had become their king”.

Then he replied, “O king, if indeed you are taking counsel with me for yourself eagerly, it is just for me to point out to you what’s best. If of the naval host three hundred ships you should send away to the Laconian country --there is then off it an island lying, whose name is Cythera, regarding which Chilon, a man who had proven the wisest among us, was asserting it was a greater gain for the Spartiates that it was sunk down beneath the sea rather than was projecting, because on each and every occasion he was expecting that something would be from it like that which I am expounding, although he had not any foreknowledge of your expedition, but was fearing alike every expedition of men-- let them set off from that island as a base and make the Lacedaemonians fear. And, a neighboring war being theirs at home, in no way will they be awful to you lest, all the rest of Greece being captured by your foot, they come to the rescue of that land; further, all the rest of Greece having been enslaved utterly, by now the Laconian part alone without strength is left. But if you do that not, this for you expect will be: there is the Peloponnese’s narrow isthmus; in that place, all Peloponnesians having sworn together an oath against you, battles more violent than those that have happened have the expectation will be for you. But to one who does that without a fight that isthmus and the cities will come forward”.

Achaemenes, being Xerxes’s brother and general of the nautical army, said after that one, he who was in fact present at the speech and feared lest Xerxes be convinced to do that, “O king, I see you are accepting the speeches of a man who envies you, because you are faring well, or maybe betrays your affairs. For in fact indeed moreover in using manners like that Greeks rejoice: they envy being of good fortune and hate the stronger. And if on top of the fortunes that were at hand, from which four hundred ships have been shipwrecked, another three hundred from the camp you will send away to sail round the Peloponnese, your adversaries become worthy of battling you, but, being gathered together, the nautical army proves hard to be taken with the hands by them and to begin with they will be not worthy of battling you, and the whole nautical army will provide aid to the foot and the foot together with the nautical army as it makes its way, whereas if you will perform a drawing apart, neither will you be useful to those nor those to you. Then make well for yourself your own matters and have as an opinion that the affairs of your opponents in war you should not consider, where they will set up for themselves the war and what they will do and how many in multitude they are. For they themselves at any rate are capable of thinking about themselves and we about us in the same way. And the Lacedaemonians, if they go in opposition to the Persians into battle, in no way the wound that is at hand will heal”.

Xerxes replied with this: “Achaemenes, well to me you seem to speak and I will do that, and Demaretus, although he speaks what he supposes to be best for me, yet in opinion is worsted by you. For indeed I will not accept that thing at any rate, how he is not well-inclined to my affairs, and by what was said previously by that one I judge and by what is, that a fellow-citizen a fellow-citizen who fares well envies and is ill-willed by his silence and, when his fellow-townsman takes joint counsel for himself, a man who’s a fellow-citizen would not suggest what is thought to be best for him, if he should not have come up to a farther point of virtue, and those like that are rare, but a foreign friend to a foreign friend is the most good-willed of all things and, when he takes joint counsel for himself, would give the best counsel. Thus therefore concerning speaking badly against Demaretus, because he is a foreign friend to me, one perform a keeping oneself away the remaining time I bid”.

Having said that, Xerxes went out and through the corpses, and of Leonides, because he had heard that he was king and general of the Lacedaemonians, he bade them cut off the head and impale it. Clear to me by many other pieces of evidence and moreover by this following not least it has proven, that King Xerxes was angry with Leonides, while he was living, most of quite all men; for otherwise never against his corpse would he have committed that transgression of the law, since the Persians are accustomed to honor most of those human beings that I know of men good at the things of war. Those indeed did that above, on whom it had been imposed to do it.

And I will go back to that place in my account where to me previously it performed a leaving out. The Lacedaemonians learned by inquiry that the king was dispatched against Greece first, and thus indeed to the oracle to Delphi they sent away, right where to them was given as an oracle what a little before I spoke, and they learned by inquiry in a marvellous way. For Demaretus, Ariston’s son, having been exiled to the Medes, as for my part I think (and what’s reasonable is an ally of mine), was not well-inclined to the Lacedaemonians, and it is possible to conjecture about whether with a good inclination he performed that following action or maybe while he was rejoicing maliciously; for, when it had seemed good to Xerxes to drive an army against Greece, Demaretus, being in Susa and having learned that by inquiry, wished off to the Lacedaemonians to make an announcement. As in another way he was not able to give an indication, because it was dangerous lest he be taken, so he made a contrivance like this: having taken hold of a double-folded small tablet, its wax he scratched off and thereafter in the wood of the small tablet wrote the king’s opinion, that, since it was being carried empty, the small tablet might furnish no trouble on the part of the ways’ guardians. But when in fact it had come to Lacedaemon, the Lacedaemonians, at any rate until indeed to them, as I have learned by inquiry, Cleomenes’ daughter and Leonides’ wife, Gorgo made a suggestion, after she had pointed it out to herself by herself, by bidding scratch off the wax and they would find letters in the wood. Then, obeying, they made a discovery and read, and thereafter to all the other Greeks they sent a letter. That indeed thus is said to have happened.



end of Book 7