Installment 41            
 Now, those of the Greeks appointed to the nautical army were these: the Athenians who were furnishing from themselves a hundred and twenty seven ships, while because of virtue and eagerness the Plataeans, although they were without experience of the nautical art, joined with the Athenians in filling the ships. And the Corinthians were furnishing from themselves forty ships and the Megarians twenty. Moreover, the Chalcidians were filling twenty, the Athenians furnishing for them the ships, the Aeginetians eighteen, the Sicyonians twelve, the Lacedaemonians ten, the Epidaurians eight, the Eretrians seven and the Troezenians five, while the Styrians were two and the Ceians two ships and two penteconters. The Opuntian Locrians then were coming on to the rescue of them with seven penteconters.

Now then those were they who were advancing with the army to Artemisium, and there has been said by me also how each group was furnishing from itself the multitude of the ships. And the number of the ships that had been gathered together to Artemisium was, apart from the penteconters, two hundred seventy one. Now, the general who had the greatest power the Spartiates were furnishing from themselves, Eurybiades, Eurycleides’ child; for the allies asserted that, if the Laconian was not the leader, they would not follow the Athenians, while they were leading, but would break up the armed force that was to be.

For there was made in the beginning a speech, before even to Sicily they were sending for an alliance, that the nautical force to the Athenians they had to entrust, but when the allies stood in opposition, the Athenians were giving way, because they were considering great for Greece to survive and had come to know, if they would be factious about the leadership, that Greece would be destroyed, and they were having correct thought in mind; for faction among tribes is worse than war that has similar thinking is worse by that much by which war is than peace. Hence knowing that very thing, they would not object, but were giving way, for as long as they were very much needing them, as they plainly showed; for, when they had thrust the Persian aside for themselves and concerning that one’s land by then were having a competition, by putting forth for themselves as a pretext Pausanies’ insolence they took away for themselves the leadership from the Lacedaemonians. But that happened later.

At that time however those of the Greeks who had come also to Artemisium, when they had seen that many ships had been brought down to Aphetae and all together was full of a host, since for them the affairs of the barbarians were coming out contrary to the belief that they themselves firmly believed, in utter fear were counselling flight from Artemisium in, into Greece. Then the Euboeans, having come to know they were taking that counsel for themselves, was requesting of Eurybiades to remain on a little time, until they themselves should put out for themselves secretly offspring and the members of their household. But when they could not produce persuasion, they changed their position and persuaded the Athenians’ general, Themistoclees, for a fee of thirty talents on condition that, having remained behind, they would fight the naval battle in defense of Euboea.

Then Themistoclees made the Greeks hold up this way: to Eurybiades of that money he gave as a share five talents as if from his own forsooth he were making the gift. And when by him that one had been convinced, because Adeimantus, Ocytus’ son, the Corinthian general, alone of those left was wriggling and asserting for himself that he would sail away from Artemisium and not remain near, to that one indeed Themistoclees said with the swearing of an oath in addition, “Not you at any rate will abandon us, since to you I will give greater gifts than the king of the Medes to you would send, should you abandon the allies”. At the same time he was publicly saying that and sent to the ship of Adeimantus three talents of silver. Those indeed, struck by gifts, were convinced and for the Euboeans gratification had been produced, and Themistoclees himself gained and was escaping notice for having what was left; rather they who had taken a share of that money “knew” that it had come from Athens for that purpose.

Thus indeed they remained behind in Euboea and fought a naval battle. And it happened this way: when indeed to Aphetae round early afternoon’s coming to be the barbarians had come, after they had learned by inquiry still even before that round Artemisium a few Greek ships were lying in wait in the ships and then themselves had caught their sight, they were eager to lay on hands on the chance that somehow they could take hold of them. From the opposite ground indeed to sail forward not yet to them it seemed good for this reason, lest somehow the Greeks should see that they were sailing forward and rush to flight and when they were fleeing the kindly time should overtake them; in fact they were forsooth to flee away and not even a fire-bearer had by their accounting to flee away and become a survivor.

Thereupon therefore they were making this contrivance: of all the ships having judged out two hundred, they were sending them round outside of Sciathus that they might not be seen by their enemies while they were sailing round Euboea and by way of Caphereus and round Geraestus to the Euripus, that indeed they might take a hold all round, the one group having come by that way and having fenced the way that was leading back for them and they themselves having performed attendance on from opposite ground. Having taken that counsel for themselves, they were sending away the appointed ones among the ships, since they themselves were having in mind not that day that they would apply themselves to the Greeks and not before the compacted sign for them was to appear from those who were sailing round on the ground that they were present. Those ships indeed they were sending round, and of the ships left in Aphetae they were counting the number.

So in that time in which those were counting the number of the ships, as there was in that camp Scyllies, a Scionian, the best diver of the human beings then, who in fact in the shipwreck that had happened off Pelion had brought to safety many of their things for the Persians and many also he himself acquired for himself, that Scyllies had in mind after all even before that he would desert to the Greeks, but didn’t, because it was not possible for him until then. In which manner indeed thereafter yet he came to the Greeks, I am not able to say exactly, but I marvel whether what is said is true; for it is said that from Aphetae he dived into the sea and not previously performed a rising up until he came to Artemisium, after stades, those approximately somewhere to the number of eighty, he had gone out and through the sea. Now there are given also other accounts similar to false ones about that man and some other true ones; however, about that above let an opinion by me be shown forth that by boat he came to Artemisium. Then, when he had come, immediately he indicated to the generals about the shipwreck how it had happened and about those of the ships that had been sent round Euboea.

So, having heard that, the Greeks were giving speeches to themselves and, many having been spoken, there was prevailing that, when that day in the very place they had remained and lodged, thereafter, having let the middle of the night go by, they should make their way and meet those of the ships that were sailing round. Then after that, when no one was sailing against them, having awaited the late afternoon of the day’s coming to be, they themselves sailed up against the barbarians, because they wanted to put off to the trial their way of fighting and sailing through and out.

So, all the other soldiers of Xerxes and the generals, because they saw that they were sailing in opposition with few ships, imputed madness completely to them and were leading up, even themselves, their ships in the expectation that they would take them easily, of very reasonable things in the expectation, since they saw that the ships of the Greeks at any rate were few, while those of themselves were many times more in multitude and sailing better. Having thought that contemptuously, they were forming a circle with them in the midst. Now, all of the Ionians who were well-inclined to the Greeks, unwillingly were advancing with the army and considering a great misfortune when they were seeing that they were being surrounded and they “knew” that no one of them would return back; thus lacking in strength to them appeared to be the Greeks’ affairs. But all, for whom what was being done was in fact for taking pleasure, were contesting how each himself would be first to take an Attic ship and from the king take hold of gifts: for of the Athenians for them was the most talk in the camps.

But, when one had given an indication to the Greeks, first they came to be with prows opposite the barbarians and brought their sterns together into the midst and next, one having given an indication, they set to work, although they were trapped in a little spot and face-to-face. Thereupon thirty ships they took as well as Gorgus the Salaminians’ king’s brother, Philaon Chersis’ son, who was one to speak of in the camp. And first of the Greeks a ship of the enemies to take was an Athenian man, Lycomedes Aeschraeus’ child, and the prize for excellence that one took hold of. Then them who in that naval battle indecisively were competing, night, having come on, broke up. The Greeks indeed were sailing away to Artemisium, and the barbarians to Aphetae, after they had competed far contrary to their belief. In that naval battle Antidorus, a Lemnian, alone of the Greeks who were together with the king deserted to the Greeks, and the Athenians on account of that deed made a gift of a place in Salamis.

So, when it had come to be the kindly time, although it was in the season the middle of summer, yet there came to be abundant rain through the whole night and harsh thunderings from Pelion, and the corpses and the pieces of the shipwrecks were being carried away to Aphetae and round the prows of the ships they were clustered and were troubling the blades of the oars. Then the soldiers there, hearing that, were established in fear and were expecting completely that they would be destroyed, in that to evils like those they had come; for before they even breathed again after the shipwreck and the storm that had come about off Pelion, a fierce naval battle overtook them and after the naval battle both a violent shower and strong flowings set off to sea and harsh thunderings.

In fact for those the night proved like that, and for the appointed among them to sail round Euboea, although the night was the same, it was still far more wild insomuch as on them while they were being borne on the open sea it was falling, and the end for them proved unagreeable; for, when indeed on them, while they were sailing, a storm and the water had come, borne by the blowing and not knowing where they were being borne, they were thrown out to the rocks. In short all was being done by the god that there might be made equal to the Greek force the Persian and it might not be by far larger.

Now, those round the hollows of Euboea were being destroyed, and the barbarians in Aphetae, when on them glad day had shone forth, kept still their ships and it sufficed them who were faring badly to maintain quiet in the present situation. But of the Greeks there came on to the rescue fifty three Attic ships. Those indeed added strength to them by their having come and at the same time a message by its having gone, that of the barbarians those sailing round Euboea were all destroyed by the storm that had come about. Indeed having awaited the same hour, they were sailing and fell on Cilician ships and, having destroyed those, when it was coming to be the kindly time, they were sailing away back to Artemisium.

Then the third day the generals of the barbarians, having considered something awful for so few ships to maltreat them and dreading the act from Xerxes’ side, no longer waited for the Greeks to begin fighting, but prepared themselves and at the middle part of the day were leading forth their ships. And it so fell out by coincidence as for those same days those naval battles to be fought and the foot battles in Thermopylae, and the whole competition for those at sea was concerning the Euripus just as for those round with Leonides it was to guard the pass. The members of the one group indeed were issuing orders on to each other about how they would not let go by into Greece the barbarians, and those of the other about how, after they had destroyed the Greek armed force, they would gain mastery over the passage.

Then, when, having drawn up themselves, Xerxes’ men were sailing in opposition, the Greeks kept still off Artemisium. So the barbarians, having made a moon-shaped figure out of their ships, were performing an encircling that they might take hold of them all round. Thereafter the Greeks were sailing up in opposition and joining battle. In that naval battle they came to be nearly resembling each other; for Xerxes’ army through the agency of its magnitude and multitude alone by itself was falling, because its ships were being troubled and falling all round into each other. However nevertheless they were holding out in opposition and would not give way; for they were considering an awful thing by few ships to get turned to flight. Many ships indeed of the Greeks were being destroyed and many men, and by far still more ships of the barbarians and men. So, after thus they were competing, there stood apart separately each group.

In that naval battle the Egyptians of Xerxes’ soldiers were the best, who showed forth for themselves other great deeds and captured five Greek ships with men and all, and of the Greeks during that day the best were the Athenians and of the Athenians Cleinies, Alcibiades’ son, who, furnishing for himself the expense from his house, was advancing with the army with two hundred men and a ship from his house.

So, when they had stood apart, gladly each group hastened to anchorage. Then the Greeks, when they had been divided away from the naval battle and had departed, although they were gaining mastery of the corpses and the pieces of the shipwrecks, yet were treated harshly, and not least the Athenians, half of whose ships were damaged, and flight indeed were counselling inward, into Greece.

So Themistoclees, having grasped with his mind that, if there were broken from the barbarian the Ionic race and the Caric, they were able to become superior to those left, when the Euboeans were driving their cattle to the sea, there collected the generals and was saying to them that he thought he had a device by which he expected of the king’s allies he would cause to stand apart the best. Now, that to so great a degree he was laying bare, but in view of the present situation he was saying that this must be done by them, both a sacrificing utterly all of the Euboean cattle that anyone wished, because it was better for the host to have them than their enemies, and, he was advising, a speaking publicly to their own men that each group should kindle a fire, while concerning conveyance the hour would so be a care to him as for them unharmed to come to Greece. That it pleased them to do and immediately, after they had kindled themselves fires, they turned themselves to the cattle.

For the Euboeans, having treated indifferently Bacis’ prophecy on the ground that it was saying nothing, neither conveyed out for themselves nor stored up in advance for themselves anything at all on the ground that war would be on hand for them; in short, they caused for themselves their own affairs to be fallen out to a reversal. For of Bacis this way is the oracle concerning that matter then:

Point out, when barbarophone on salt sea casts yoke
Of papyr, from Euboea to keep bleating goats.

Since they had made no use of those epic verses, in the evils then being on hand and expected there was on hand for them to make use of misfortune to the greatest degree.

They indeed were doing those deeds and there was on hand the watcher from Trachis. For there was on Artemisium a watcher, Polyas, in birth an Anticyrian, to whom it had been assigned (in fact he had a fitted out boat ready) that, if the naval army was disabled, he should give an indication to those who were in Thermopylae. And likewise was Abronichus, Lysiclees’ son, an Athenian, in fact with Leonides, ready to those who were on Artemisium to make an announcement by triaconter, if any newer matter befell the foot. Hence that Abronichus, having come, to them gave an indication of what had happened concerning Leonides and his army. Then they, when they had learned that by inquiry, no longer matter for delays were considering their retreat, but they were conveying themselves as each group had been drawn up, the Corinthians first and last the Athenians.

Now, after of the Athenians the ships that were sailing best Themistoclees had picked out for himself, he was making his way round the drinkable waters and cutting in the stones letters that the Ionians, when they had gone the next day to Artemisium, read. And the letters were saying this: “Men of Ionia, you are not doing just acts by advancing with an army against your fathers and utterly making Greece a slave for yourselves. Rather, best of all, come to be on our side and, if for you that is not possible to do, then still even now out of the midst for us sit you both yourselves and of the Carians request that the same as you they do and, if for neither of those things it is possible to be done, but you are yoked down by a greater necessity than such as for you to stand apart, then engaged in the deed, whenever we join battle, fight you badly on purpose and remember that from us you are descended and that from the beginning our enmity against the barbarian from you for us has been originating”. Themistoclees then wrote that, as far as it seems to me, because he had in mind thought on both outcomes, that either the letters, having escaped the notice of the king, might make the Ionians undergo a change and come to be on their side or, whenever they were brought back and given as slander to Xerxes, might make the Ionians untrusted and keep them away from the naval battles.

Themistoclees inscribed that, and to the barbarians immediately after that by boat went an Histiaean man and was announcing the flight from Artemisium of the Greeks. Then they through the agency of lack of belief held the messenger under guard and dispatched away swift ships to reconnoitre and, when those had announced back what was, thus indeed together with the sun’s being scattered the whole host was sailing gathered together to Artemisium. So, having held on in that place up to the middle part of the day, from then on they were sailing to Histiaee and, having come, they got hold of the city of the Histiaeans, and of the Ellopian portion, that is, of the Histiaean land, all the villages by the sea they overran.

Then, while those were there, Xerxes, after he had had made ready the matters concerning the corpses, was sending to the naval army a herald. And he had made ready beforehand this: of all those of his army that were corpses in Thermopylae (and in fact there were two myriads), he had left behind approximately a thousand, and those left, after he had had dug ditches, he buried with a casting on of foliage and a scraping together on top for himself of earth that they might not be seen by the naval army. So, when the herald had crossed over into Histiaea, having brought about a gathering together of the whole camp, he was saying this: “Allied men, King Xerxes to whoever of you wants gives over, after he has left behind his post, to go and behold how he fights against the unintelligent among human beings who expected the king’s power they would overthrow”.

When he had announced that out for himself, after that nothing than boats proved rarer; so many wished to behold. And, after they had been conveyed across, they were beholding, by going out and through, the corpses, and all “knew” that those lying out were all Lacedaemonians and Thespians, although they were seeing also the helots. But no, Xerxes also was not escaping notice of those who had crossed over by having done that above act concerning his own corpses. For in fact indeed it was really laughable; of the members of the one group a thousand manifestly were lying as corpses, while all those of the other were lying gathered together and there had been conveyed together to the same spot four thousand. That day to beholding they turned themselves, and the next some were sailing away to Histiaea to the ships and some round with Xerxes were setting off for the way.

Now, there had come to them deserters, a few men from Arcadie, who needed a livelihood and wanted to be engaged in work. So, after they were leading those into the sight of the king, the Persians were trying to learn by inquiry about the Greeks what they were doing, and some one before all was he who was asking them that. Then they were saying to them that they were holding the Olympic games and were spectators of a contest of gymnasts and horse. So, he asked on what was put up concerning which they competed and they said the crown that was given was of the olive-tree. Thereupon, having spoken a most noble opinion, Tritantaechmes, Artabanus’ son, incurred a charge of cowardice at the hand of the king. For, when he had learned by inquiry that the prize was a crown but not money, he both held not up under being silent and said this to all: “My my! Mardonius, against what kind of men have you brought us to fight who engage in a contest not concerning money but concerning virtue?”

By that one indeed that had been said, and in the time meanwhile, after the blow in Thermopylae had come about, immediately the Thessalians sent a herald to the Phocians, seeing that they had on each and every occasion wrath for them and in consequence of their last blow quite very much. For, after there had made an invasion with their whole host the Thessalians themselves and their allies against the Phocians not many years before that driving of the army of the king, they were worsted by the Phocians and treated harshly. For, when there had been trapped on Parnassus the Phocians with a prophet, Tellies the Elean, thereupon that Tellies devised for them a wise course like this: having chalked the six hundred best men among the Phocians, themselves and their gear, at night he applied himself to the Thessalians, after he had said publicly to those of his that that one, whoever they saw for themselves was not colored white, they should kill. Hence of those the guards of the Thessalians, having been the first to catch sight, were afraid, because they thought that they were something else, a portent, and after the guards the host itself so as for the Phocians to get mastery over four thousand corpses and shields, half of which they dedicated at Abae and the others at Delphi, while the tithe of the wealth from that battle was made the large statues that stand together round the tripod before the temple in Delphi, and others like those in Abae are dedications.

Now, that against the foot of the Thessalians the Phocians worked out, when they were besieging them and, when their horse had made an invasion into their country, they maltreated it incurably. For in the pass that is near Hyampolis, in that land, they dug a large ditch and put empty jars down into it and, after they had placed a heap on top and made it similar to the rest of the place, they were receiving the Thessalians in their invading. Then they, with the intention that they would snatch the Phocians up for themselves, in their charging fell into the jars. Thereupon their horses in their legs were destroyed.

Since because of both those matters indeed against them the Thessalians were having a grudge, they sent a herald and were publicly saying this: “O Phocians, by now in some way more admit you are not similar to us. For both formerly among the Greeks, all the time that those affairs of them were pleasing to us, more from time immemorial than you we were winning and now with the barbarian we have so much power that it is in our strength for you to be bereaved of your land and, in addition, sold into slavery. However, we, although we have the whole, are not mindful of evils; rather, ours let become in compensation for those acts of yours fifty talents of silver, and to you we promise to turn away what is going against your country”. That to them the Thessalians were announcing out for themselves.

For the Phocians alone of the human beings there were not medizing, in accordance with nothing else, as I in reckoning have found, but in accordance with their enmity toward the Thessalians. If then the Thessalians had increased the affairs of the Greeks, as far as it seems to me, the Phocians would have medized, who, when the Thessalians were announcing out for themselves that above, asserted both they would not give money and it was possible for them to medize similarly as the Thessalians, if on other grounds they wanted, but they would not be, as far as they were willing, traitors to Greece.

And when those speeches had been brought back, thus indeed the Thessalians in a state of anger at the Phocians became leaders for the barbarian of the way. Indeed from the Trechinian land into the Dorian they made an invasion; for of the Dorian country a narrow strip there stretches down of somewhere approximately about thirty stades in breadth precisely which was anciently Dryopian, and that country is the mother-city of the Dorians in the Peloponnese. Hence that Dorian land the barbarians would not harm in their invading; for they were medizing and it seemed not good to the Thessalians.

Then, when from the Dorian land into the Phocian they had made an invasion, although they captured not the Phocians themselves --for some of the Phocians went up to the heights of Parnassus (and in fact suitable to receive a crowd is Parnassus’ peak that near Neon, a city, is situated by itself, Tithorea its name, and it’s that land to which indeed they carried up their things and themselves went up) and the greater number of them conveyed themselves out to the Ozolian Locrians, to Amphissa, a city that is settled above the Crisaean plain-- yet the barbarians overran the whole Phocian country; for the Thessalians thus were leading the army. And, however so many spots they occupied, they were setting fire to and clearing all, as they were letting fire go inward, both into the cities and into the shrines.

For, as they were making their way by that way alongside the Cephisus river, they were devastating all, and utterly they burned Drymus, a city, and utterly Charadra, Erochus, Tethronium, Amphicaea, Neon, Pediees,Tritees, Elateia, Hyampolis, Parapotamioe and Abae, where there was a rich shrine of Apollo, which with many treasuries and offerings was adorned (and both then there was and now there is an oracle on the very spot), and they plundered and set on fire the shrine. Both in pursuing they captured some of the Phocians by the mountains and destroyed some women by having intercourse because of their multitude.

So the barbarians were passing by Parapotamioe and came to Panopees. So thereafter by then their host was being divided up and split. The greater and more powerful part of the army together with Xerxes himself in making its way to Athens made an invasion into the Boeotians, into the land of the Orchomenians. Now, the Boeotians’ whole multitude was medizing, and their cities Macedonian men, as they had been appointed throughout, were bringing to safety, after they had been sent away by Alexander. And they were performing the bringing to safety for this end, because they wanted to make clear to Xerxes that concerning the affairs of the Medes the Boeotians were minded.

Those indeed of the barbarians by that way turned themselves and others of them with leaders set off to the shrine in Delphi and on their right were skirting Parnassus. And of the spots that those too occupied in the Phocian land, they were ravaging all; for in fact they set on fire the Panopeans’ city as well as the Daulians’ and the Aeolidians’. Now, they were making their way by that way split off from the rest of the host for this purpose, that, after they had plundered the shrine in Delphi, to King Xerxes they might show forth its wealth. And Xerxes knew of all in the shrine that was worthy of account, as I have learned by inquiry, better than of what in his house he had left, since many on each and every occasion were giving an account, and especially of the offerings of Croesus, Alyattes’ son.

So, the Delphians, having learned of that by inquiry, were come into every kind of terror and, established in great fear, they were consulting the prophet concerning the sacred wealth about whether it they were to bury under the earth or were to convey out to another country. Then the god allowed them to perform no movement and asserted that he himself was sufficient to sit down as a guard of his own things, and the Delphians, having heard that, concerning themselves were taking thought. Now, their offspring and wives across to Achaiie they sent over, and of them most went up to Parnassus’ peaks and to the Corycian cave carried up their things and others to Locrian Anphissa went out and off. And hence all the Delphians abandoned their city except sixty men and the prophet.

Then, when the barbarians were near in their going in opposition and were seeing at a distance the shrine, in that time the prophet, whose name was Aceratus, saw that in front of the temple sacred gear was lying that from inside, from the hall, had been carried out, which it was not holy to touch for anyone among human beings. He indeed went to indicate to those of the Delphians who were at hand the portent, and the barbarians, when they were coming to be in their hastening by the Shrine of Athena before the Temple --there came on to be for them portents still greater than the portent that had come to be previously. For a marvel in fact is that very much, for martial gear of its own manifestly to lie in front outside of the temple, but what indeed next after that came to be was in fact above all apparitions worthy to marvel at most. For, when indeed the barbarians were in their going in opposition by the Shrine of Her before the Temple, in that time out of the sky thunderbolts fell on them, from Parnassus two peaks were broken off and borne with much noise among them and they took down numerous of them and out of the Shrine of Her before the Temple shouting and crying were being made.

So, all that having been mixed together, fear was fallen on the barbarians, and the Delphians, having learned that they were fleeing, went down in opposition and killed a multitude of them. Then those who were survivors straight to the Boeotians were fleeing. Now, those of the barbarians who had returned back were saying, as I have learned by inquiry, that in addition to those above they were seeing also other divine matters, as two hoplites taller than in accordance with human beings’ nature there were and they were following them in their killing and pursuing.

Now, those two, the Delphians say, were native heroes, Phylacus and Autonous, whose sacred precincts are round the shrine, Phylacus’ alongside the way itself above the Shrine of Her before the Temple and Autonous’ near Castalie underneath the Hyampeian peak. And the stones that fell from Parnassus still even to our time were safe and sound and were lying in the sacred precinct of Her before the Temple, into which they darted in their being borne through the barbarians. Now, of those men that proved the departure from the shrine.
 
So, the Greeks’ naval army from Artemisium at the Athenians’ requesting at Salamis put in their ships, and for the following reasons the Athenians made a request of them to keep to Salamis, that they themselves might lead out secretly for themselves their children and wives from the Attic land and in addition also take counsel for themselves about what would be having to be done by them. For in view of the present situation they were to engage in deliberation on the ground that they were mistaken in opinion. For thinking that they would find the Peloponnesians with the whole people in the Boeotian land was sitting down awaiting the barbarian, they found there was nothing of it, but they were learning by inquiry that that they were walling the Isthmus, because they were considering worth most for the Peloponnese to survive, and that were keeping under guard, and to let go of all else. Having learned that by inquiry, thus indeed they made a request of them to keep to Salamis.

While all the others indeed put in at Salamis, the Athenians did at their own land. And after their coming they had a proclamation made that, whither any of the Athenians was able, he should bring to safety his offspring and the members of his household. Thereupon most dispatched them off to Troezen, some to Aegina and some to Salamis. They were eager then to place those out secretly for themselves, because they wanted to perform a service for the oracle and, what’s more, for this reason: the Athenians say a large serpent as guard of the acropolis lives in the shrine. They say that and, in particular, for it, on the ground that it exists, monthly offerings they bring to completion by performing a putting forth. And the monthly offerings are honey-cake. Now, that honey-cake, although in the former time on each and every occasion was being consumed, then was untouched. So, after the priestess had indicated that, the Athenians somewhat more and more eagerly abandoned their city on the ground that even the god had left behind the acropolis. Then, when by them all had been placed out secretly, they were sailing to the camp.

Then, after those from Artemisium at Salamis had put in their ships, there was flowing in also the naval army of the Greeks left, when it had learned by inquiry, from Troezen; for at Pogon, the Troezenians’ harbor, it had been said beforehand they should be collected. There were collected indeed by far more ships than at Artemisium were fighting the naval battle, and from more cities. Now, as the ruler of the ships precisely the same one was in charge who was at Artemisium, Eurybiades, Eurycleides’ son, a Spartiate man, but who was not of royal birth at any rate, while the most ships by far and that were sailing best the Athenians were providing for themselves.

And there were advancing with the army these: from the Peloponnese, the Lacedaimonians who were providing for themselves sixteen ships, the Corinthians who were providing for themselves the same total number that also they were at Artemisium, while the Sicyonians were providing for themselves fifteen ships, the Epidaurians ten, the Troezenians five and the Hermionians three, and those are except for the Hermionians a Dorian and Macednian nation, who from Erineus and Pindus and the Dryopian land lastly had set off. The Hermionians then are Dryopians, who by Heracles and the Melians out of the country now called Dorian were made to stand up.

Now, those among the Peloponnesians were advancing with the army, and these from the outer mainland: the Athenians who compared with all the others were providing for themselves a hundred and eighty ships alone --for in Salamis the Plataeans joined not with the Athenians in fighting the naval battle on account of a matter like this: while the Greeks were departing from Artemisium, when they were coming to be off Chalcis, the Plataeans, having gone out onto the opposite shore of the Boeotian country, turned themselves to the conveying of the members of their households out. Now, those in bringing those to safety were left-- (and the Athenians in the time when the Pelasgians had the land now called Greece were Pelasgians and were named Cranaoi, while in the time of King Cecrops they were called after him Cecropidae, but, when Erechtheus had succeeded to the rule, they were renamed Athenians and, when Ion, Xouthus’ son, had became ruler of the army for the Athenians, they were called after that one Ionians) while the Megarians were providing for themselves the same total number that also they were at Artemisium and the Ampraciotians with seven ships came on to the rescue and the Leucadians with three, and those are a Dorian nation from Corinth.

Then of the islanders the Aeginetians were providing for themselves thirty vessels. Theirs were also other filled up ships, but with those they were guarding their own land and with the thirty that were sailing best in Salamis they fought the naval battle. And the Aeginetians are Dorians from Epidaurus and their island’s name previously was Oenone. Then after the Aeginetians were Chalcidians who were providing for themselves the twenty ships at Artemisium and the Eretrians who were the seven. And those are Ionians. Then afterwards were the Ceans who were providing for themselves the same ships, and it is an Ionian nation from Athens. Then the Naxians were providing for themselves four ships, after they had been sent away to the Medes by their fellow-citizens, precisely according as all the other islanders, but had disregarded their injunctions and had come to the Greeks at Democritus’ being eager, a man esteemed among his fellow-townspeople and who then was ruler of a trireme. And the Naxians are Ionians descended from Athens. Then the Styrians were providing for themselves the same ships that they were also at Artemisium and the Cythnians one and a penteconter, and those both together were Dryopians. Moreover, the Seriphians, the Siphnians and the Melians were advancing with the army; for those alone of the islanders gave the barbarian no earth and water.

All those together, who are settled within the Thesprotians and the Acheron river, were advancing with the army; for the Thesprotians are bordering on the Ampraciotians and the Leucadians, who from the farthest countries were advancing with the army. Of them settled outside those then the Crotonietians were the only one who came to the rescue of Greece in its running the risk with one ship, of whom the ruler was a man thrice a winner at the Pythian games, Phayllus. And the Crotonietians in birth are Achaeans.

Now, all the others were advancing with the army while they were providing for themselves triremes, but the Melians, the Siphnians and the Seriphians were while they were penteconters. The Melians, who in birth were from Lacedaemon, were providing for themselves two, and the Siphnians and the Seriphians, who were Ionians from Athens, one each. So, the whole number of the ships amounted to, apart from the penteconters, three and seventy eight.

Then, when the generals had gone together to Salamis from the said cities, they were taking counsel, when Eurybiades had put forth that whoever wanted should bring forth to light for himself an opinion about where he thought was most suitable to engage in a naval battle in the countries of which they were in control; for the Attic country was let go of by then, and concerning those left he was making his putting forth. So, most opinions of the speakers concurred that, after they had sailed to the Isthmus, they should fight a naval battle in defense of the Peloponnese and they were saying in explanation this speech that, if they were defeated in the naval battle, while they were in Salamis, they would be besieged on on island, where by them no succour would appear, but, while off the Isthmus, to their own people they would be brought ashore.

While that the generals from the Peloponnese were considering, there was come an Athenian man and he was announcing that the barbarian was present at the Attic country and were having it all wasted by fire. For the army that had turned itself through the Boetians together with Xerxes, after it had burnt down the Thespians’ city, when they themselves had abandoned it for the Peloponnese, and that of the Plataeans similarly, was present at Athens and was devastating all that there. It burned down then Thespeia and Plataea, after it had learned by inquiry from the Thebans that they would not medize.

Now, after the crossing of the Hellespont, whence the barbarians had begun to make their way, they spent one month there, in which they were crossing into Europe, and in another three months came to be in the Attic country, when Calliades was ruler for the Athenians. They both captured the town deserted and a few of the Athenians they found were in the shrine, stewards of the shrine and poor human beings, who, after they had fenced for themselves the acropolis with doors and pieces of wood, were defending themselves against those who were going in opposition, since at the same time because of lack of strength in livelihood they went not out to Salamis and in addition also as they themselves were thinking they had found out the meaning of the prophecy that Pythia had given them as an oracle, that the wooden wall would be impregnable: that itself quite was the refuge in accordance with the prophecy and not the ships.

Then the Persians were seating themselves on the hill opposite the acropolis that the Athenians call Areopagus and were besieging them in a manner like this: whenever tow they put round their arrows and kindled, they shot at the fence. Thereupon those of the Athenians who were being besieged nevertheless were defending themselves, although they had come to the extreme part of evil and the fence had given way. Not even when the sons of Peisistratus were bringing forward speeches about an agreement, would they consent to them, but in defending themselves they were making other contrivances and, in particular, when the barbarians were going to the gates, were letting boulders go forth so as for Xerxes for a long time was in the grip of difficulties, because he was not able to capture them.

Then in time after their difficult situation there appeared indeed a way in for the barbarians; for in accordance with the message from the oracle all the Attic country on the mainland had to come to be under the Persians. Hence before the acropolis and behind the gates and the way up, and it’s the land where indeed neither anyone was on guard nor would have expected that anyone among human beings ever would go up at that place, there some went up by the shrine of Cecrop’s daughter, Aglaurus, although the place was precipitous. Then, when the Athenians had seen that they had gone up, some threw themselves down from the wall and were destroyed and some to the hall fled down. So, those of the Persians who had gone up first turned themselves to the gates and, having opened those up, they were killing the suppliants; then, when by them all persons had been laid low, they plundered the shrine and burnt down the whole acropolis.

Now, having gotten hold of Athens completely, Xerxes sent away to Susa as messenger a horseman to announce to Artabanus the faring well that was on hand for them. Then after the sending of the messenger the next day, having called together the exiles of the Athenians, that is, them who were following him, he bade in their own manner sacrifice the sacred offerings, after they had gone up to the acropolis; either then probably because he had seen a vision of a dream, he was enjoining that or maybe a thing of the spirit had come about for him, since he had burnt down the shrine. So the exiles of the Athenians did what had been enjoined.

Now, for which purpose I mentioned that I will point out. There is in that acropolis of Erechtheus who is said to be earth-born a temple, in which an olive-tree and a sea are, which, there’s an account from the Athenians, Poseidon and Athena, when they disputed about the country, put down as pieces of evidence. Hence that olive-tree together with the rest of the shrine it befell to be burnt down by the barbarians, but the next day after its burning down those of the Athenians bidden sacrifice by the king, when they had gone up to the shrine, saw a shoot from the stump approximately a cubit long had shot up. Now, those that pointed out.

Then the Greeks in Salamis, when to them it had been announced out how the matters concerning Athens’ acropolis were, came to so great a degree of commotion that some of the generals were not even waiting for the proposed matter to be ratified, but were rushing into their ships and raising sails for themselves with the intention that they would run away and by those of them who were left behind it was ratified that they should fight a naval battle in defense of the Isthmus. It came to be night and they were broken up from their sitting together and went into their ships.

Indeed thereupon Themistoclees, when he had come to his ship, Mnesiphilus, an Athenian man, asked what counsel by them had been taken. Then, after he had learned by inquiry from him that it had been thought good to lead their ships to the Isthmus and in defense of the Peloponnese to fight a naval battle, he said, “Not, mind you, after all, if they lift off their ships from Salamis, concerning even one fatherland any longer will you fight a naval battle; for to their cities they, each group, will turn themselves and neither Eurybiades will be able to so hold them back nor any other among human beings as for the host not to be dispersed. In short, Greece will be destroyed by instances of lack of counsel. Well, if there is any contrivance, go and try to undo the counsels that have been taken, if in any way you can convince Eurybiades to so change his mind as to remain in the very place”.

The suggestion pleased Themistoclees very much and he made no answer thereupon and went to the ship of Eurybiades. Then, when he had come, he asserted that he wished to communicate to him a common matter. So he was bidding him go into his ship and speak, if he wanted anything. Thereupon Themistoclees, when he was being seated by him, recited all that that he had heard from Mnesiphilus, while he was making it for himself his own, and many other things by way of adding until he convinced him by his requesting to go out of his ship and collect the generals for their sitting together.

Then, when after all they had been collected, before Eurybiades put forth his speech about the reason for which he had brought together the generals, Themistoclees was of great force in his speeches seeing that he was very much in need. So, while he was speaking, the Corinthian general, Adeimantus, Ocytus’ son, said, “O Themistoclees, in the contests they who stand up too early are struck with sticks”. And he in trying to acquit himself asserted, “Yes, but they who are left behind in them are not crowned”.

At that time gently to the Corinthian he replied and before Eurybiades, although he was saying no longer anything of that that he had said before, how, whenever they lifted off from Salamis, they would flee away, because, when the allies were at hand, it would not bring forth for him any adornment to make an accusation, yet he was clinging to another speech in saying this: “On you now is to bring to safety Greece, if you obey me in waiting to engage in a naval battle in the very place and in not obeying the speeches of those yoke up and away towards the Isthmus your ships. Put each matter in opposition, after you have heard: if you give battle off the Isthmus, you will fight a naval battle on the spread out open sea, which is least expedient for us, because we have heavier ships and fewer in number, and on the one hand you will lose Salamis and Megara and Aegina, precisely even if in all else you have good fortune, and together with their nautical force will follow also their foot army, and thus them you yourself will lead to the Peloponnese --in short, you will run the risk of all Greece together-- but if you do what I say, so many useful matters in it you will find: first, in giving battle in a narrow spot with few ships against many, if what’s reasonable results from the war, we will have a large mastery, because to fight a naval battle in a narrow spot is to our advantage and in broad space to theirs, and in turn Salamis becomes a survivor, on which by us have been put out secretly offspring and wives, and further also this is in it, which you also cling to all round most: you will fight a naval battle in defense of the Peloponnese alike by remaining in the very place and off the Isthmus and them, precisely if you think well, you will not lead to the Peloponnese. Moreover, if at any rate what I expect happens and we prevail with our ships, neither for us at the Isthmus will the barbarians be on hand nor will they go forth farther than the Attic country; both they will go away with no order and we will gain by Megara’s surviving as well as Aegina’s and Salamis’, in which for us in fact there is a prophecy of proving superior to our enemies. Now, if human beings take reasonable counsels on the whole, as it were, for them they are wont to come to be, but if they take not reasonable counsels, for them the god in fact is not wont to assent to their human judgements”.

While Themistoclees was saying that, again the Corinthian Adeimantus was bringing himself in opposition, as he was bidding him be silent whose was no fatherland and not allowing Eurybiades to give the matter over to the voting pebbles for a cityless man; for Themistoclees, when he was furnishing for himself a city, he was bidding thus to contribute opinions. And he was bringing that reproach forth against him, in that Athens had been captured and was being occupied. At that time indeed Themistoclees was speaking about him and the Corinthians many bad words and of their own he was making clear by speech that there was both a city and a land greater than that of those, as long as two hundred filled ships were theirs; for none of the Greeks would repel them, if they went in opposition.

So, with his indicating that, in his speech he was crossing over to Eurybiades and speaking words more turned to him, “You, if you will remain in the very place, in fact by remaining will be a good man, but if not, you will pull up Greece; for the whole matter of the war for us our ships bear. Well, obey me. And if you do not that, we, as we are, after we have taken up the members of our households, will convey ourselves to Siris in Italy, the very land that has been ours ever from of old, and it the prophecies say by us must be founded, while you, left alone without allies like these, will remember my speeches”.

Then, as Themistocles was saying that, Eurybiades was being thoroughly taught and, as far as it seems to me, because he was afraid lest they should abandon them, if to the Isthmus he led up the ships; for, if the Athenians performed an abandoning, no longer would those left prove worthy of battling. That opinion indeed he chose, for them to remain in the very place and fight a naval battle through.

Thus those round Salamis, having skirmished with sayings, when it had seemed good to Eurybiades, in the very place were preparing themselves with the intention that they would fight a naval battle. It was coming to be day and together with the sun’s going up there came to be a quaking on the land and the sea. So it seemed good to them to pray to the gods and to summon the sons of Aeacus as allies. And, when it had seemed good to them, in fact they were doing that; for, after they had prayed to all the gods, from the very place, from Salamis, they were summoning Ajax and Telamon and for Aeacus and all the other sons of Aeacus they were dispatching off a ship to Aegina.

Now, Dicaeus made an assertion, Theocydes’ son, an exile and who had proven one to speak of among the Medes, that during that time, when the Attic country was being cut by the foot army of Xerxes and was bereft of Athenians, he in fact then was together with Demaretus the Lacedaemonian on the Thriasian plain and saw stirred up dust’s going from Eleusis of approximately somewhere round thirty thousand men, and they were marvelling at the stirred up dust, of whom in the world among human beings it was, and straightway were hearing a sound, and to him the sound appeared to be the “Iacchus” of the mysteries. Then Demaretus was ignorant of the sacred rites that were performed in Eleusis, and asked him what that which was making utterance was, and he himself said, “Demaretus, there is no way in which there will not be a great harm for the king’s host. For this is very clear, the Attic land being bereft, that that which is making utterance is divine, as it goes from Eleusis for succour for the Athenians and their allies. And if at any rate it falls down onto the Peloponnese, danger for the king himself and his host on the mainland there will be and, if it turns itself to the ships in Salamis, the nautical army the king will risk losing. That festival then the Athenians hold annually for the Mother and the Maiden, and whoever of them and of all the other Greeks wants is initiated, and the sound that you hear in that festival they make, ‘Iacchus’”. Thereupon Demaretus said, “Keep being silent and to no other that speech speak. For, if for you those sayings are brought back to the king, you will lose your head, and you neither I will be able to deliver nor another among human beings, not even one. Well, be a silent one and concerning the host here to gods it will be a care”. He indeed that was advising, and after the stirred up dust and the sound there came to be a cloud and it, lifted up, was being borne towards Salamis to the camp of the Greeks. Thus indeed they came to learn that the nautical force of Xerxes was to be destroyed. That Dicaeus, Theocydes’ son, was saying and to Demaretus and others as witnesses was appealing.

Now, those appointed to Xerxes’ nautical army, when, after they had beheld the blow against Laconian, they had crossed over from Trechis to Histiaee, having held up three days, were sailing through the Euripus and in another three days came to be in Phalerum. As far as it seems to me for my part, they, being no fewer in number, made an invasion into Athens by the mainland and with their ships than when they had come to Sepias and into Thermopylae. For I will put in opposition to those of them destroyed by the storm and those in Thermopylae and at the naval battles off Artemisium these who at that time were not following the king, the Melians, the Dorians, the Locrians, the Boetians who were following with their whole host except the Thespians and the Plataeans, and as well the Carystians, the Andrians, the Tenians and all the islanders left except the five cities that whose names I mentioned previously. For the more inward in Greece the Persian was going forth, the more nations were following him.

Hence, after there had come to Athens all those except the Parians (and the Parians, left behind, were watching to see the war, which way it would come out) those left then, when they had come to Phalerum --thereupon Xerxes himself went down to the ships, because he wished to commune with them and to learn by inquiry those sailing on board’s opinions. Then, when he had come and was sitting in the first place, there were on hand sent for the tyrants of their nations and the rulers of contingents from the ships and they were seated as to them each the king had given honor, first the Sidonian, afterwards the Tyrian and on top of that all the others. So, when they were seated in order in a row, Xerxes sent Mardonius and was asking by way of making trial of each whether he should engage in a naval battle.

Then, when Mardonius was going round and doing the asking by beginning from the Sidonian, all the others were bringing forth for themselves an opinion after the same fashion and bidding engage in a naval battle, but Artemisie asserted this: “Say for me before the king, Mardonius, that I say the following, who neither proved the worst in the naval battles off Euboea nor showed forth for myself the smallest deeds: ‘Master, the opinion that is then for me it is just to show forth for myself, what I in fact think best for your affairs. And to you this I say: be sparing of your ships and cease from engaging in naval battle; for their men than your men are stronger by sea so much as men than women. And why by all means must you run up a risk by naval battles? Do you not have Athens, precisely for whose sake you set off to advance with an army, and have the rest of Greece? And in the way of you stands no one, while they who stood in opposition to you got off thus as was fitting for those. Which way then I think the affairs of your opponents in war will come out, that I will point out: if you hasten not in engaging in a naval battle, but hold your ships in the very place and remain off land or maybe go forth to the Peloponnese, easily for you, master, will go that with which in mind you have gone. For the Greeks are not able a long time to hold out in opposition to you, but you will thoroughly scatter them and down to their cities each group will flee. For neither food’s on hand for them on that island, as I have learned by inquiry, nor is it reasonable they, if you drive against the Peloponnese your foot army, will be still, those of them who have come from there, and not to them will it be a care to fight a naval battle in defense of Athens. But if you immediately hasten to fight a naval battle, I fear lest the nautical army, made bad, should harm in addition the foot. In addition, o king, also this lay to heart, that among human beings the good ones’ bad slaves love to become and the bad ones’ good. So yours, who are the best of all men, are bad slaves, who in your allies’ accounting are accounted to be, and they are the Egyptians, the Cyprians, the Cilicians and the Pamphylians, in whom there is no use’”.

While she was saying that before Mardonius, all who well-disposed to Artemisie were considering her speeches a misfortune on the ground that she would suffer some evil at the hands of the king, in that she would not allow engaging in a naval battle, while those who were jealous of and envying her, seeing that among the first she was honored above all the allies, were delighted with her answer on the ground that she would be destroyed. Then, when the opinions had been brought back to Xerxes, he very much took pleasure in the opinion of Artemisie and, while he was considering still earlier that she was excellent, at that time by far more was praising her. But nevertheless he was bidding obey the greater number, since he firmly believed this, that off Euboea they were fighting badly on purpose on the ground that he was not on hand, while at that time he himself had prepared himself to behold their fighting the naval battle.

Then, when they were announcing out that they should sail up, they were leading up their ships to Salamis and were drawn up in a line, thoroughly arranged, at ease. Now, at that time as the day sufficed not for them to engage in a naval battle --for night had come on-- so they they were preparing themselves for the morrow. Now, the Greeks fear and dread held, and not least those from the Peloponnese, and they were in dread, in that they themselves, sitting down in Salamis, on behalf of the land of the Athenians were to fight a naval battle and, if they were prevailed over, trapped on the island, they would be besieged, after they had let their own land go off unguarded.

And among the barbarians the foot under cover of the night that was at hand was making its way to the Peloponnese. And yet all possible contrivances had been performed that by the mainland the barbarians might not make an invasion. For, as soon as the Peloponnesians had learned by inquiry that those round with Leonides in Thermopylae had met their end, they ran together from their cities and were seated at the Isthmus, and over them as general was Cleombrotus, Anaxandrides’ son and Leonides’ brother. Then, once they were seated in the Isthmus and had demolished the Sceironian way, after that when it had seemed good to them in their taking counsel, they were building a wall through the Isthmus. And, seeing that they were many myriads and everyone was working, the work was being completed; for in fact stones, bricks, pieces of wood and baskets full of sand were being brought in, and those who had come to the rescue were resting no time from their working at either night or day.

And those of the Greeks who had come to the rescue to the Isthmus with their whole people were these: the Lacedaemonians and all Arcadians as well as the Eleans, the Corinthians, the Sicyonians, the Epidaurians, the Phleiasians, the Troezenians and the Hermionians. Those were they who had come to the rescue and felt dread for Greece in its being in danger, while to all the other Peloponnesians it was no care. But the Olympic games and the Carneia were gone by by now.

Now, there are settled in the Peloponnese seven nations, and of those, two, being autochthonous, are set up now in the place where also formerly they had been settled, the Arcadians and the Cynourians, and one nation, the Achaean, although it has not gone out of the Peloponnese, however has from their own land and is settled in the land of others, while the four nations left of the seven are incomers, the Dorians, the Aetolians, the Dryopians and the Lemnians. Of the Dorians are many esteemed cities, of the Aetolians only Elis, of the Dryopians Hermion and Asine near Laconian Cardamyle, and of the Lemnians all Paroreetians. And the Cynourians, being autochthonous, seem to be the only Ionians, but have been made Dorians thoroughly, because of their being ruled by the Argives, and by the time, and are Orneetians and people settled round. Hence of those seven nations the cities left, except those that I recounted, sat down out of their midst and, if it is permitted to speak freely, by sitting down out of their midst were medizing.

Those indeed on the Isthmus with a toil like that came to grips, seeing that they were running their race concerning the whole by then and in their ships were not expecting to shine, while those in Salamis nevertheless, although they had learned that by inquiry, were experiencing dread, not so afraid about themselves as about the Peloponnese. For a while indeed among them man stood by man and silently was engaging in speech, because they were considering a marvel Eurybiades’ lack of counsel, and finally there was a breaking forth into the midst. A gathering together indeed was made and many accounts were given about the same matters, some saying that to the Peloponnese they must sail away and concerning that land run the risk and not remain and fight in defense of a country captured by the spear, and the Athenians, the Aeginetians and the Megarians that they must remain in the very place and defend themselves.

Thereupon Themistoclees, when he was being worsted in his opinion by the Lacedaemonians, escaped notice and went out of the seating together and, after he had gone out, he sent to the camp of the Medes a man by boat and enjoined what he had to say, whose name was Sicinnus, and he was a household servant and pedagogue of Themistoclees’ children, and it was he whom indeed later than those affairs Themistoclees made a Thespian, when the Thespians were receiving in fellow-citizens, and with money blest. He at that time by boat came and was saying before the general of the barbarians this: “There sent me the general of the Athenians without the notice of all the other Greeks, because he in fact thinks the thoughts of the king and wants to become superior your rather than the Greeks’ affairs, to point out that the Greeks are taking counsel for themselves about flight in a state of utter dread and now it is possible for you to work out the most beautiful work of all, if you do not overlook their fleeing away. For they neither think the same as each other nor any longer will stand in opposition to you; in short, against themselves you will see they are fighting a naval battle, those who think your thoughts and those who do not”. He indicated that to them and was departing out of the way.

And, when to them what had been announced was proving credible, on the one hand, onto the islet of Psyttaleia that lies between Salamis and the mainland many of the Persians they made go out and, on the other, when the middle parts of the night were coming to be, as they were leading up their wing from the west by forming a circle towards Salamis, so they, those stationed around Ceos and Cynosoura, were leading up themselves and were occupying the whole passage up to Mounichie with their ships. For this purpose then they were leading up their ships, that indeed to the Greeks it might not be possible in fact to flee, but they might be caught within, in Salamis, and give payment for their acts of contention off Artemisium. And to the islet called Psyttaleia they were making go out those from among the Persians for this purpose --with the intention that, whenever a naval battle happened, there especially the men and the pieces of the shipwrecks would be carried ashore, because indeed in the passage of the naval battle that was to be the island lay-- that some they might make survivors and some destroy. So they were doing that in silence that their opponents might not learn of it by inquiry. They indeed that without having fallen off to any sleep were preparing.

Now, against oracles I am not able to speak that they are not true, because I want not those that speak plainly to try to throw down when I look at matters like this:

Well, when Artemis with gold sword’s sacred headland
With ship they bridge, and Cynosoura by the sea,
After with mad hope they have sacked shining Athens,
Divine Right will quench strong Surfeit, Insolence’s son,
With his awful lust, as he thinks he’ll drink up all.
For bronze with bronze will be mixed, and with blood Ares
The sea will redden. Then Greece’s day of freedom
Wide-eyed Cronos’ son brings on and august Nike.

In view of things like that, that is, when Bacis speaks thus plainly, speeches against him concerning oracles I neither dare to speak myself nor consent to from others.

So, of the generals in Salamis there was coming to be much wrangling in speeches, and they knew not yet that round them the barbarians were forming a circle with their ships, but just as in the day they were seeing they were stationed, they were thinking they were in place.

Then, the generals having met in a fight, from Aegina crossed over Aristeides, Lysimachus’ son, an Athenian man, but one banished through ostracism by the people, who I have come to believe, because I have learned by inquiry of his manner, proved the best man in Athens and the most just. That man, standing before the sitting together, was calling out for himself Themistoclees, who was not a friend of his, but an enemy in the highest degree, and through the agency of the magnitude of the evils that were on hand he was forgetting that and calling him out for himself, because he wished to commune with him. Now, he had heard beforehand that those from the Peloponnese were eager to bring their ships up to the Isthmus, and, when Themistoclees had gone out for him, Aristeides was saying this: “We must be factious in all the rest of time and, in particular, in this concerning the matter of which of us more good works for our fatherland will do. And I say to you that it is equal to give many or few accounts concerning the sailing away thence for the Peloponnesians. For I, having proven an eyewitness, say to you that now, not even if the Corinthians and Eurybiades himself wish, will they be able to sail off, as we are surrounded by our enemies in a circle. Well, go in and to them that indicate”.

Then he replied with this: “Very useful exhortations you are giving and well you announced; for of what I needed to come about you yourself proved an eyewitness and are present. For know that because of me this is being done by the Medes, as, I had, when the Greeks not willingly wished to be established for battle, to make them stand for themselves on my side unwillingly. You then, precisely since you are present and announcing out useful matters, yourself make an announcement to them; for, if I say it, I will be thought to fabricate and speak and will not persuade them on the ground that the barbarians are not doing that. Well, to them indicate yourself, after you have gone near, how it is, and whenever you give the indication, if they are persuaded, the most beautiful thing is that indeed, but if to them it proves not credible, a similar matter for us will be; for they will no longer flee away, precisely if we are surrounded on all sides, as you say”.

That Aristeides was saying, after he had gone near, as he was asserting for himself that he was present from Aegina and with difficulty had sailed out and escaped the notice of those lying moored in opposition, because the whole Greek camp was surrounded by the ships of Xerxes. In short, them to prepare themselves he was advising with the intention that they would offer resistance. And he, having said that, was standing elsewhere, and again among them there was coming to be in speeches a dispute; for the greater number of the generals would not be persuaded of what had been announced out.

So, those disbelieving, there was present a trireme of Tenian men that was deserting, of which the ruler was a Tenian man, Panaetius, Sosimenes’ son, and it was precisely that which indeed was bringing the whole truth. On account of that deed then the Tenians were written on the tripod in Delphi among those who had taken down the barbarian. And accordingly together with that ship that had deserted at Salamis and the earlier, the Lemnian, that had in Artemisium the nautical force for the Greeks was filled up for its three hundred and eighty ships; for two ships then it had wanted utterly for its number.

So, when to the Greeks those accounts of the Tenians that were being said were credible, they were preparing themselves with the intention that they would fight a naval battle. Dawn was beginning a thorough bringing forth to light and they, having held a gathering of the marines --Themistoclees out of all was publicly saying things that were good, and all his sayings were being put in oppositions of the better things to the worse, quite as many as in a human being’s nature and constitution come to be. Then, having advised a choosing of the better of those and having utterly plaited his statement, he bade go into the ships. As those there for their part indeed were going in, so there was present the trireme from Aegina that after the sons of Aeacus had gone abroad. Thereupon they, the Greeks, were leading up all their ships together, while, when they were leading them up for themselves, immediately the barbarians were applied to them.

All the other Greeks indeed were striking back for themselves a stern and running aground the ships, but Ameinies, a Pallenian, an Athenian man, led out and up, rammed a ship. Then, because his ship had been entangled and they were not able to be released, thus indeed all the others were coming to the rescue of Ameinies and joining battle. The Athenians say that thus came about the beginning of the naval battle, but the Aeginetians that the ship that after the sons of Aeacus had gone abroad to Aegina was that one that had made the beginning. Moreover, this account too is given, that an apparition of a woman to them appeared and she, having appeared, so exhorted for herself as for in fact the whole camp of the Greeks together to hear, after beforehand she had cast this reproach: “O divine ones, up to how much time will you still be striking back for yourselves a stern?”.

Indeed opposite the Athenians were stationed the Phoenicians, as those held the wing towards Eleusis and the west, and opposite the Lacedaemonians the Ionians, and those held the one toward the east and Peiraeeus. However, few among them were fighting badly on purpose in accordance with Themistoclees’ injunctions, but the greater number were not. Now, although I can recount the names of numerous rulers of triremes who took Greek ships, yet I will make no use of them except Theomestor, Androdamas’ son, and Phylacus, Histiaeus’ son, both Samians. And because of this I mention those alone, that Theomestor on account of that deed became tyrant of Samos at the Persians’ establishing him, and Phylacus as a benefactor of the king was written up and presented with much country. (And the benefactors of the king are called orosangae in Persian.)

Now, although concerning those it was thus, yet the multitude of the ships in Salamis were worked havoc on, some that were destroyed by the Athenians and some that were by the Aeginetians. For, seeing that the Greeks were fighting the naval battle with order and in line, and the barbarians neither were lined up nor doing anything with mind, there was to happen to them precisely the thing like that that came out. And yet they were at any rate and proved that day better by far themselves than themselves, than off Euboea, as everyone was eager and fearing Xerxes. In short, each thought himself the king beheld.

Indeed concerning all the others I am not able to speak exactly how each group of the barbarians or the Greeks were competing, but concerning Artemisie this happened, from which she was well esteemed still more at the king’s court. For, when the king’s affairs had come to much disorder, in that time the ship of Artemisie was being pursued by an Attic ship, and she, not being able to flee off, because before her were other friendly ships and that of hers was in fact most towards the enemies --it seemed good to her to do this that in fact was profitable for her in her having done it; for, while she was being pursued by the Attic vessel, in her rushing she rammed a friendly ship of Calyndian men and of the Calyndians’ king himself, Damasithymus, who was on board. Whether in fact a quarrel had come about with him while they were still round the Hellespont, I however am not able at any rate to say, neither whether out of forethought she did it nor whether the Calyndians’ ship happened by chance to fall nearby, but when she had rammed and sunk it down, she enjoyed good fortune and double good works for herself did. For the ruler of the trireme, of the Attic ship, when he had seen she was ramming a ship of barbarian men, in the belief that the ship of Artemisie either was Greek or was a deserter from the barbarians and was helping them, turned away and to other vessels turned himself. On the one hand like that for her it happened to come about, to flee away and not to be destroyed, and, on the other, it so came out as for her, although she had worked an evil, in consequence of that to be most well esteemed at Xerxes’ court; for it is said that, while the king was performing his beholding, he came to know that her ship had executed a ramming, and lo! one of those that were on hand said, “Master, do you see Artemisie how well she competes and has sunk down a ship of the enemies?”. And he asked on whether truly the deed was Artemisie’s and they made the assertion, because distinctly they knew the device of her ship, and the destroyed vessel they “knew” was an enemy. For all else, as has been said, to her was profitable in its having come to be for a good fortune, and for no one of those from the Calyndian ship to be brought away to safety and become an accuser. Then Xerxes said, an account is given, in view of what was being pointed out, “The men of mine have proven women, and the women men.” That they assert Xerxes said.

So, in that toil off died the general Ariabignes, who was Darius’ son and Xerxes’ brother, and off many other named ones among the Persians and Medes and all the others, allies, but a few in fact among the Greeks; for, seeing that they knew how to swim, they whose ships were being destroyed, if they were not killed engaged in the law of hands, to Salamis swam over, but among the barbarians the greater number in the sea were destroyed, because they knew not how to swim. Then, when the vessels in front had turned themselves to flight, thereupon most were being destroyed. For those stationed behind, as they tried to go by with their ships into the space in front with the intention that they themselves too would show forth for themselves some deed to the king, fell upon their own ships as they were fleeing.

Then this too happened in that disorder: some of the Phoenicians, whose ships had been destroyed, went to the king and were saying as slander against the Ionians that on account of them their ships were destroyed on the ground that they had performed a betrayal. Hence it thus happened as for the Ionians‘ generals not to be destroyed and for those of the Phoenicians who were slandering to take hold of a wage like this: while they were still speaking, a Samothracian ship rammed an Attic ship. Indeed the Attic was sunk down and an Aeginian ship bore itself in opposition and sank down the Samothracians’ ship. Seeing that indeed the Samothracians were javelin-throwers, the marines off the ship that performed the sinking, since they were hitting them, they swept and they stepped aboard and got hold of it. The deed’s having been done delivered the Ionians. For, when Xerxes had seen that they had worked a great work, he turned himself to the Phoenicians, inasmuch as he was exceedingly pained and was blaming all, and bade cut off their heads, that they, having proven bad themselves, might not slander their betters. For, whenever Xerxes saw that any of those of his was showing forth for himself some deed in the naval battle, while he was seated down underneath the mountain opposite Salamis that is called Aegaleos, he thoroughly learned by inquiry the one who had done it and the scribes wrote up the ruler of the trireme, with his father’s name, and his city. Moreover, in addition, also Ariaramnes, who was a friend of the Ionians, a Persian man who was present contributed something to that Phoenician suffering.

They indeed turned themselves to the Phoenicians, and, when the barbarians had turned themselves to flight and were sailing out to Phalerum, the Aeginetians, having taken a position secretly in the passage, showed forth for themselves deeds worthy of account. For the Athenians in the disorder were working havoc on those standing in opposition and those fleeing among the ships, while the Aeginetians were on those sailing out. So, whenever any fled off from the Athenians, in their charging they encountered the Aeginetians.

Thereupon there met ships, that of Themistoclees which was pursuing a ship and that of Polycritus, Crius’ son, an Aeginetian man, which had rammed precisely the Sidonian ship, which had captured the Aeginian vessel that was on guard off Sciathus, on which was sailing Pythees, Ischenous’ son, whom the Persians, after he had been chopped up, because of his virtue were holding on their ship and were wondering greatly at. He it was in leading whom round indeed together with the Persians the Sidonian ship was captured so as for him, Pythees, thus to be brought to safety to Aegina. So, when Polycritus had looked on the Attic ship, he came to know it through his having seen the marking of the general’s vessel, and he shouted to and mocked Themistoclees by making a reproach with regard to the Aeginetians’ medism. Now that utterance, after he had rammed a ship, Polycritus cast forth against Themistoclees, and the barbarians, whose ships came to be survivors, in their fleeing came to Phalerum under cover of the foot army.

In that naval battle then there were spoken of best among the Greeks the Aeginetians and on top of that the Athenians, and among their men Polycritus the Aeginetian and the Athenians Eumenes the Anagyrasian and Ameinies the Pallenian, he who in fact pursued after Artemisie. Now, if he had learned that Artemisie was sailing on that vessel, he would not have stopped before he had captured her or maybe he himself had been captured. For to the rulers of the triremes among the Athenians a bidding had been given, and in addition also a prize was offered, ten thousand drachmas for whoever captured her alive, as they were considering something awful for a woman to advance with an army against Athens. That one indeed, as has been said previously, fled off, and all the rest too, whose ships had come to be survivors, were in Phalerum.

Now, Adeimantus, the Corinthian general, the Athenians say, immediately at the beginning, when the ships were joining battle, bewildered and excessively frightened, after he had raised his sails for himself, fled and was gone, and the Corinthians, when they had seen that the general’s vessel was fleeing, in the same way was gone. And, when after all in their flight they were coming to be in Salaminian country off the shrine of Athena Sciras, there encountered them a fast boat by divine sending, which neither anyone sent manifestly nor, while the Corinthians knew anything of the affairs of the host, was borne to them. So, this way they reckon the matter was divine: namely, when it had come to be near, those of the fast boat were saying this: “Adeimantus, you, having turned away your ships, have set off to flight in your betraying utterly the Greeks, but they even by now are winning all the mastery that they themselves were praying to gain over their enemies”. While they were saying that, because Adeimantus was not believing them, they were making a speech again, this speech, that they themselves were able to be led as hostages and undergo death, if the Greeks manifestly were not winning. Thus indeed he, having turned away the ship, and all the others at the deeds’ having been worked out went to the camp. Although those a report like that has through the agency of the Athenians, however, the Corinthians themselves at any rate speak not the like, but consider they themselves among the first in the naval battle to have proven, and the rest of Greece too bears witness to them.

Now, Aristeides, Lysimachus’ son, an Athenian man, whom in fact somewhat a little before I mentioned on the ground that he was the best man, that one, in the disorder that had come about round Salamis was doing this: having taken over many of the hoplites who were arranged along the shore of the Salaminian country and in birth were Athenians, to Psyttaleia, an island, he caused them to go away by his leading, those who killed off all the Persians on that islet.

Then, when the naval battle had been broken off, the Greeks, having drawn down all of the pieces of the shipwrecks that were in fact still there, were ready for another naval battle, because they were expecting the king would still make use of the surviving ships. Moreover, many of the pieces of the shipwrecks a west wind took up and was carrying in the Attic country to the sea-shore called Colian, so as for to be fulfilled all the rest of the oracle concerning that naval battle spoken by Bacis and Mousaeus and, in particular, about the pieces of the shipwrecks that had been carried off there what had been said many years earlier than that in an oracle by Lysistratus, an Athenian man, an oracle-monger, that had escaped notice of all the Greeks:

Then Colian women with rowing oars will cook.

That then was to be, after the king had driven away.

So Xerxes, when he had learned of the suffering that had come about, in fear lest one of the Ionians should suggest to the Greeks or they themselves should have in mind to sail to the Hellespont to break the bridges and he, trapped in Europe, should run the risk of being destroyed, was counselling flight, but, because he wished not to be openly clear to either the Greeks or those of his, through to Salamis he was trying to mound up a mound; both Phoenician merchant vessels he was tying together, that they might be in the place of a pontoon and a wall, and he was preparing for war as if he would engage in another naval battle. Then all the others, seeing that he was doing that, “knew” well that with his whole mind he had prepared himself, since he was staying, to wage war, but of Mardonius none of that was escaping the notice on the ground that he was most experienced in that one’s thinking.

At the same time Xerxes was doing that and sending to the Persians one to announce the misfortune that was on hand for them. Now, than those messengers of theirs there is nothing that comes to be present more quickly that is mortal; thus by the Persians that has been found out. For they say that of however many days the whole way is, that many horses and men stand at intervals, at each way of a day a horse as well as a man stationed, whom neither snowfall, no rain, no heat, no night keeps from accomplishing the course put forth for a one the quickest way. Indeed the first to run gives over what has been enjoined to the second, and the second to the third. And thereafter by now by the way of another and another it goes through and out in its being given over, precisely according as is the Greeks’ torchbearing that for Hephaestus they bring to completion. That running of horses the Persians call angareion.

When indeed the first message to Susa had come that Xerxes had Athens, it delighted those of the Persians left behind somewhat indeed so that all the ways with myrtle branches they strewed and were burning as incense kinds of incense and themselves were engaged in sacrifices and enjoyments, and when the second message for them had gone in afterwards, it was so confounding them that their tunics all ripped utterly, of endless shouting and wailing were making use, while they were putting Mardonius in blame. Not so much, then, because they were vexed concerning the ships were the Persians doing that as because they were fearing concerning Xerxes himself.

And concerning the Persians that was during all the intervening time as it came to be until Xerxes himself came and stopped them, and Mardonius, seeing that Xerxes was considering the misfortune great in consequence of the naval battle and suspecting that he was counselling flight from Athens, when he had thought with himself that he would pay the penalty because he had convinced the king to advance with an army against Greece and for him it was better run up a risk of either conquering Greece or his meeting the end of his life beautifully after he had been in suspense about great matters (however, the opinion of his was more that he would conquer Greece), when then he had taken account of that, he was bringing forth this speech: “Master, stop being pained and considering the misfortune a great one because this affair that has happened. For not of pieces of wood is for us the competition that bears the whole, but of men and horses. Moreover, you no one either of those who think that they have conquered the whole for themselves by now, having gone out of the ships, will try to oppose or from this mainland. In short, they who opposed us have paid the penalty. Now, if it seems good, immediately let us make trial of the Peloponnese, and if in fact it seems good to hold up, it is possible to do that. But stop being dispirited; for for the Greeks there is no way of escaping from giving an accounting for what they did now and previously and from being your slaves. Now, best of all, do that former deed, and if after all by you counsel has been taken that you yourself should drive away and lead away your host, even after this I have another counsel. You the Persians, king, make not to prove laughed at by the Greeks; for none of your affairs on the Persians’ part has been harmed for you and you will not say where we have proven bad men and, if the Phoenicians, the Egyptians, the Cyprians and the Cilicians have proven bad, that suffering is related to the Persians not at all. By now therefore, since the Persians are not the cause for you, obey me: if it has seemed good to you not to remain near, drive you away to the abodes of yourself and lead away your host’s greater part and I to you must furnish Greece enslaved, after thirty myriads of your army I have selected for myself”.

Having heard that, Xerxes, as one after evils, rejoiced and took pleasure, and before Mardonius he was asserting that, after he had taken counsel for himself, he would answer which of the two of those deeds he would do. Then, when he was taking counsel for himself together with those of the Persians called on, it seemed good for him also to send for Artemisie for advice, in that previously she manifestly alone had in mind what had to be done. So, when Artemisie had come, having removed all the others, the advisers among the Persians and the lance-bearers, Xerxes said this: “Mardonius bids me to remain in the very place and make trial of of the Peloponnese and says that for me the Persians and their foot army are partners in the causing of no suffering; rather, of them willingly there would be a showing forth. Therefore either me he bids do that or he himself is willing, after he has selected thirty myriads of the army for himself, to furnish to me Greece enslaved and bids me myself to drive away with the army left to my abodes. You therefore me, because in fact concerning the naval battle that has been waged you advised well, since you were not allowing engaging in it, now advise by doing which of the two deeds I should light on having taken counsel well for myself”.

He was asking for that advice and she said this: “King, although it is difficult to him who asks for advice in fact for her to speak the best speech, however, in view of the present situation it seems good to me for you yourself to drive away back and Mardonius, if he is willing and undertakes to do that latter deed, in the very place to leave behind with those whom he wants. For, on the one hand, if he subjects what he asserts he is willing and for him it goes forward what he has in mind and says, yours the deed, o master, proves, because your slaves performed the working out, and, on the other, if the opposite of Mardonius’ opinion comes about, no great misfortune it will be, while you are a survivor and those affairs concerning your house. For, if you are a survivor as well as is your house, often in many competitions the Greeks will run concerning themselves. So, of Mardonius, if he suffers anything, no accounting comes to be and, if the Greeks win a victory, they win not, because they have destroyed your slave, while you, after you have set on fire Athens, that for which you engaged in your expedition, will drive away”.

Xerxes indeed took pleasure in the advice; for she lit on saying precisely what he himself was having in mind. For not even if all men and all women had advised him to remain, would he have remained, as far as it seems to me; thus utterly frightened was he. So, having praised Artemisie, he dispatched that one away who was leading his children to Ephesus; for some bastard children were following with him.

Then he was sending with his children as a guard Hermotimus, who in birth was a Pedasian and was not winning the second place among the eunuchs at the court of the king. The Pedasians then are settled inland of Halicarnessus and in that Pedasa a matter like this happens to come about: whenever for all their neighbors who are settled round that city anything difficult within a time is to be, at that time the priestess of Athena in that very place grows a large beard. That then for them has come about twice by now.

Of those Pedasians indeed Hermotimus was, for whom, after he had been done wrong, the greatest retribution by then came about of all whom we know of. For, when he had been captured by enemies and was being sold, Panionius, a Chian man, bought him, who had established for himself his living from the most unholy works; for, whenever he acquired children who had attained looks, after he had performed castration, he was bringing them to Sardis and Ephesus and selling them for much money. For among the barbarians eunuchs are more honored because of their complete trustworthiness than those with testicles. Indeed Panionius castrated many others, seeing that he was earning his living out of that, and, in particular, that one. And, because Hermotimus was not unfortunate in all things, he came from Sardis to the king with other gifts and, as time went forward, of all the eunuchs he was honored most at Xerxes’ court.

Then, when the king was setting in motion the Persian armed force against Athens, while he was in Sardis, thereupon Hermotimus, having gone down for such and such a matter to the land in Mysie that the Chians inhabit and is called Atarneus, found Panionius there. So, since he had recognized him, he was saying before him many friendly speeches, first in recounting to him all the good things that he himself had on account of him and second in promising to him in return for those all the good things he would do to him, if, after he had conveyed the members of his household, he was settled in that land, so as for Panionius, having received in his speeches gladly, to convey his offspring and his wife. Then, when, after all, with his whole house of him he had taken hold entirely, Hermotimus was saying this: “O you who of all men by now most from the most unholy works have acquired a livelihood, what evil had I against you, either myself and any of mine, worked out, either against you or any of yours, in that me instead of a man you made to be nothing? In short, you were thinking that it would escape the notice of gods what kinds of contrivances you were making then, of them who, making use of just law, brought you, because you had done unholy deeds, down into my hands so as for you not to be going to find fault with the justice that will be yours from me”. And, when he had cast that reproach on him, after his children had been brought to sight, Panionius was compelled of his own children, being four, to cut off the pudenda, and he, being compelled, was doing that, and his, when he had worked that out, his children, being compelled, were cutting off. Now, thus round Panionius went retribution and Hermotimus.

Then Xerxes, when he had entrusted his children to Artemisie to bring away to Ephesus, after he had called Mardonius, was bidding him select whom of the host he wanted and make his deeds similar to his speeches by his trying. During that day what was happening came to be at that great a point, but in the night at the king’s bidding the generals were bringing away the ships from Phalerum back to the Hellespont in which state of quickness each was to thoroughly guard the pontoons for the king to make his way. So, when the barbarians were near Zoster in their sailng, because thin promontories of the mainland were stretching out there, they thought they were ships and were fleeing over a large extent. Then having learned in time that they were not ships but promontories, they were gathered together and were conveying themselves.

So, when it was coming to be day, the Greeks, seeing the foot army was remaining in place, were supposing the ships were also round Phalerum; they both were thinking that they would fight a naval battle and were preparing with the intention that they would resist. Then, when they had learned by inquiry that the ships were gone, immediately after that it was thought good to perform a pursuit after. Now, the nautical army of Xerxes they looked not on, after they had given pursuit up to Andros, and, when they had come to Andros, they were taking counsel for themselves. Now, Themistoclees was showing forth for himself an opinion that, after they turned themselves through the islands and pursued after the ships, they should sail straightway to the Hellespont to break the bridges, while Eurybiades was taking as a position for himself the opinion contrary to that one by saying that, if they would break the pontoons, with that the greatest evil of all they would work out against Greece, because, if the Persian, trapped, should be compelled to remain in Europe, he would try not to maintain quiet, as for him, if he maintained quiet, neither would any of his affairs be able to go forward nor would any way of conveyance back appear --in short by famine the host of his would be destroyed-- and to him, if he laid hands on and set to work, all down through Greece would be able to go forth, city by city and nation by nation, either indeed surely when they were being captured or before that when they were making an agreement; in short, as nourishment they would have the annual produce of the Greeks on each and every occasion; rather, because he thought the Persian, defeated in a naval battle, would not remain in Europe, therefore they had to allow him to flee until he should go in his fleeing to his own land. So thereafter concerning that one’s land by then engage in the competition he was bidding, and there were clinging to that opinion also all the other Peloponnesians’ generals.

Then, when Themistoclees had learned that he would not persuade the greater number at any rate to sail to the Hellespont, having changed position, to the Athenians, because those were most aggrieved at their having escaped and were minded to sail to the Helespont even in having cast the matter for themselves on themselves, if all the others wanted not, he was saying this: “I both myself by now have come to be at many events and have heard far more have come to be like this, namely in which men, brought to necessity, when they were defeated, refought and repaired their earlier badness. Let us then, because as a find we have found ourselves and Greece in having thrust back so large a cloud of human beings, not pursue men who are fleeing, because we have not worked this out, but gods and heroes, who envied one man’s becoming king of Asia and Europe, when he was unholy and presumptuous, who was considering shrines and private places in a similar situation, as he was burning up and throwing down the gods’ images, who also had whipped away at the sea and let go down fetters, but, since it is good for us at the moment that is on hand, now let us stay behind in Greece and have a care for ourselves and the members of our house, and let everyone rebuild home and give heed to sowing, when he has completely driven away the barbarian, and together with spring let us sail down towards the Hellespont and Ionia”. He was saying that, because he was to lay up a store with the Persian that, if, after all, any suffering befell him on the part of the Athenians, he might have a refuge, precisely what then actually happened.

Themistoclees in saying that was trying to deceive, and the Athenians were obeying; for, after, when even before he had been thought to be wise, he manifestly had been truly wise and good in counsel, in every way they were ready to obey him when he was speaking. So, when those had been convinced by him, immediately after that Themistoclees was sending away men with a boat, in whom he was putting trust to be silent, although they came to every kind of trial, in respect to what he himself had enjoined to point out to the king, among whom in fact Sicinnus, the member of his house, again came to be. When they had come to the Attic land, the group were staying behind on the boat, and Sicinnus went up to Xerxes and was saying this: “There sent me Themistoclees, Neoclees’ son, a general of the Athenians and a man of all the allies best and wisest, to point out to you that Themistoclees the Athenian, wanting to work out a service for you, held up the Greeks when they wanted to pursue your ships and to break the bridges on the Hellespont. And now at much ease convey yourself”.


They indicated that and were sailing away back, while the Greeks, when it had seemed far from good to them both to pursue still farther the barbarians’ ships and to sail to the Hellespont to break the means of passage, were sitting round Andros, because they wished to utterly take it. For the Andrians, the first of the islanders to be demanded money of by Themistoclees, gave it not, but, when Themistoclees was putting forward this speech, that the Athenians were present with round themselves two great gods, Persuasion and Necessity, and thus they had very much to give money, they answered thereupon by saying that in proportion Athens was, after all, great and happy, that also was well off for useful gods; since the Andrians at any rate were poor in land in having come to their greatest attainments, and two useless gods would not abandon their island but on each and every occasion love the place, Poverty and Impotence, in fact being in possession of those gods, the Andrians would give no money; for in fact never than their lack of power would the Athenians’ power be stronger. Those indeed, having answered that and given no money, were being besieged.

Then Themistoclees, because he was not ceasing from being greedy, sending off to all the other islands threatening speeches, was demanding money through the same messengers which he had also used with the king and saying that, if they would not give what was being demanded, he would lead in opposition the host of the Greeks and by besieging would perform an utter taking. Saying that, he was collecting much money from the Carystians and the Parians, who, having learned by inquiry of Andros, that it was being besieged, on account of that fact that it had medized, and of Themistoclees, that he was in the greatest repute among the generals, in fear of that were sending money. Now, whether indeed any others also among the islanders gave, I am not able to say, but I think some others too gave and not those alone. And yet for the Carystians at any rate in no way because of that a delay of bad came to be, while the Parians, having propitiated Themistoclees with money, escaped from the armed force. Now, Themistoclees was setting off from Andros and acquiring money from the islanders without the notice of all the other generals.

Then those round with Xerxes, having held up a few days after the naval battle, were driving out to the Boeotians the same way. For it seemed to Mardonius that partly he should send forth the king and that partly an unseasonableness of the year for waging war existed, in short, that it was better to winter in Thessaly and thereafter together with spring to make trial of the Peloponnese. So, when they had come to Thessaly, thereupon Mardonius was picking out for himself first all the Persians who were called “Immortals”, except Hydarnes the general, because that one was asserting that he would not leave the king behind, and afterwards among all the other Persians the wearers of a breastplate and the thousand horse as well as the Medes and the Sacians and the Bactrians and the Indians, both their foot and their horse. Those as whole nations he chose, and from all the other allies he was picking out for himself groups of a few by selecting those to whom kinds of looks were belonging and any if by them any useful deed he was aware had been done. And as one largest nation the Persians he was choosing, men wearing torques and wearing bangles, and on top of them the Medes; those then in respect to multitude were not less than the Persians, but in strength weaker, so as for all together to amount to thirty myriads together with horsemen.

Then in that time, in which Mardonius was dividing up his host and Xerxes was round Thessalie, an oracle was come from Delphi to the Lacedaemonians that from Xerxes they should demand acts of justice for Leonides’ killing and what was being offered by that one they should receive. The Spartiates sent indeed a herald the quickest way, who, after he had overtaken the whole host when it was still in Thessaly, went into the sight of Xerxes and was saying this: “O king of the Medes, the Lacedaemonians and the sons of Heracles from Sparta demand from you acts of justice for killing, in that you killed their king while he was trying to deliver Greece”. Then the other, when he had laughed and held himself back a long time, since by him in fact was standing Mardonius, was pointing to that one and said, “Therefore to them Mardonius here will pay penalties like those that to them it is fitting”.

The one indeed, having received what had been said, was departing, and Xerxes, having left Mardonius behind in Thessaly, by himself was making his way with speed to the Hellespont and came to the passage of crossing in forty five days, while he was leading away no part of his host, to exaggerate. Then, wherever in making their way they came to be and among whichever human beings, the produce of those there they seized and ate and, if they found no produce, they then the grass growing up out of the earth, and of the trees the bark, when they were peeling it off, and the leaves, when they were plucking them down, ate up, similarly of the cultivated and of the wild, and left nothing. And that they were doing through the agency of famine. Further, pestilence, having taken hold on the army, as well as dysentery, on the way was destroying it, and those of them who were in fact sick he was leaving behind and imposing on the cities where on each occasion he came to be in his driving to care for and to nourish, some in Thessaly and in Siris in Paeonie and in Macedonie. There in fact having left behind the sacred chariot of Zeus, when he was driving against Greece, in his going back he took it not back; rather, the Paeonians, having given it to the Thracians, when Xerxes was demanding it back, were asserting that, while the mares were grazing, they were seized by the inland Thracians who were settled round the springs of the Strymon.

On that occasion in fact the king of the Bisaltians and the Crestonian land, a Thracian, worked out an extraordinary work, he who both was asserting he himself to Xerxes, as far as he was willing, would not be a slave, but was gone up to the mountain, Rhodope, and was publicly saying to his children that they should not advance with an army against Greece. But they took no account --or for another reason for them a desire came about to behold the war-- and were advancing with the army together with the Persian. Then, after they had gone back, all unharmed, who were six, their father dug out their eyes on account of that reason.

In fact those took hold of that wage, and the Persians, when making their way from Thrace they had come to the passage, hastening over the Hellespont with their ships crossed to Abydos; for the pontoons they found were no longer strung tight but by a storm thoroughly untied. There then they, being held back, were obtaining by lot more food than on the way. Because of their filling themselves with no order and their changing waters, there were dying of the army that was surviving many. And those left with Xerxes came to Sardis.

Now, there is also this other account that is given, that, after Xerxes in driving away out of Athens had come to Eion by the Strymon, thereafter no longer was he thoroughly using roads, but the host to Hydarnes he entrusted to lead away to the Hellespont, while he himself, having gone on a Phoenician ship, was being conveyed to Asia. Then him, while he was sailing, a wind, the Strymonian, overtook, a great and stormy one. And lo!, because he was being driven by the storm somewhat more, since the ship was loaded up, seeing that on the deck were numerous Persians who were being conveyed together with Xerxes, thereupon, having fallen into fear, the king asked by shouting the pilot whether there was any means of salvation for them. And he said, “Master, there is no, unless there comes about a riddance of those many who have gone on board”. And Xerxes it is said, when he had heard that, said, “Persian men, now let everyone of you thoroughly show that he cares about the king; for in your power the means of salvation for me looks like it is”. He was saying that, and they were bowing to him and leaping out into the sea, and the ship, lightened up, thus indeed was brought away to safety to Asia. Then, as soon as Xerxes had gone out on land, he acted like this: in that he had brought to safety the king’s soul, he presented with a gold crown the pilot, but in that many of the Persians he had destroyed, he cut off his head.

So that is given as another account about Xerxes’ return, although in no way to me at any rate it’s credible, neither otherwise nor in respect to that suffering of the Persians. For if indeed that thus had been said by the pilot before Xerxes, among ten thousand opinions I have not one opposed to the thought that the king would have acted like this --some from the deck he would have caused to go down into the hollow part of the ship, who were Persians and of the Persians the first-- and about the oarsmen who were Phoenicians to the thought how a multitude equal to the Persians he would have thrown out into the sea. Rather, he, as also previously has been said by me, making use of a way, together with all the rest of the army returned back to Asia.

Moreover, this too is a great piece of evidence: namely, manifestly Xerxes came to Abdera in his being conveyed back and he agreed on friendly relations with them and presented them with a gold acinaces and a gold-sprinkled tiara. And, as the Abderians say, although they give to me at any rate in no way credible accounts, for the first time he untied his girdle in his fleeing back from Athens on the ground that he was in a state of lack of fear. Now, Abdera is settled more towards the Hellespont than the Strymon and the Eion and it is there from which indeed they assert that he went onto the ship.

Then the Greeks, since they had proven not able to completely take Andros, after they had turned themselves to Carystus and devastated the country of those their, were departing to Salamis. Now, first for the gods they took out other first fruits and three Phoenician triremes, one to dedicate at the Isthmus, precisely which still even to my time had existed, one upon Sunium and one for Aias there at Salamis. Then after that they divided up the booty and the first fruits sent away to Delphi, from which was made a statue with a ship’s extremity in its hand which in magnitude was of twelve cubits, and that stands precisely where does the gold Macedonian Alexander.

So the Greeks, having sent first fruits to Delphi, were in addition asking the god jointly whether he had taken hold of the first fruits as full and pleasing, and he asserted that from all the other Greeks he had that, but not from the Aeginetians; rather, he was demanding from them the best’s prizes for the naval battle in Salamis. Then the Aeginetians, having learned that by inquiry, dedicated gold stars that upon a bronze mast stand, three in the corner nearest Croesus’ bowl.

So, after the dividing up of the booty the Greeks were sailing to the Isthmus to give the best’s prizes to who had proved most worthy among the Greeks during that war. Then, when the generals had come and were casting their pebbles differently on Poseidon’s altar in their judging the first and the second out of all, thereupon everyone of them was putting forward by himself a pebble for himself, as each himself thought he had proven best, and, second, the greater number were concurring in their judging Themistoclees. They indeed were made alone, and Themistoclees in second prizes was far excelling.

So, although the Greeks wanted not to make that judgement because of envy and rather each group was sailing off to its own land without having judged, nevertheless Themistoclees was shouted about and was reputed to be far the wisest man among the Greeks throughout Greece, but in that, although he was winning, he had not been honored at the hands of those who had fought the naval battle in Salamis, immediately after that to Lacedaemon he came, because he wished to be honored, and him the Lacedaemonians received in beautifully and honored greatly. Now, the best’s prizes they gave: to Eurybiades of an olive-tree a crown, and for wisdom and cleverness to Themistoclees, even to that one, a crown of an olive-tree. And they presented him with a chariot that was the most beautiful in Sparta. Then having bestowed many praises, they sent him forth when he was going away, three hundred picked ones among the Spartiates, precisely those who are called horsemen, up to the Tegean boundaries. That one quite alone of all human beings of whom we know the Spartiates sent forth.

So, when from Lacedaemon he had come to Athens, thereupon Timodemus an Aphidnian, who was among the enemies of Themistoclees but in other respects not among the distinguished men, was utterly mad because of envy and railing at Themistoclees by bringing forward his coming to Lacedaemon, how on account of Athens he had the honors from the Lacedaemonians but not on account of himself. Then he, since Timodemus would not stop giving that account, said, “Thus it is, mind you: neither would have I, being a Belbinian, been honored thus at the hands of the Spartiates nor would have you, o human being, being an Athenian”.

Now, that happened to that great a point, and Artabazus, Pharnaces’ son, who had been a man to speak of among the Persians even formerly and after the Plataean events came to be even more still, with six myriads of the army that Mardonius had picked out was sending forth the king up to the passage. Then, when the one was in Asia and the other in his making his way back was coming to be off Pallene, seeing that Mardonius was wintering round Thessalie and Macedonie and he himself was not yet at all pressing on to be present at the camp, he was not thinking just, when he had fallen in with the Poteidaeans who were standing apart, not to lead them out for himself into captivity. For the Poteidaeans, when the king had driven out nearby and the naval force of the Persians had gone in its fleeing from Salamis, in the open were standing apart from the barbarians and thus also all the others that had Pallene.

Thereupon indeed Artabazus was besieging Poteidaea and, because he suspected that the Olynthians also were trying to revolt from the king, also that land he was besieging. And the Bottiaeans who had been expelled from the Thermean gulf by the Macedonians had it. Then, after he had captured them by his besieging, he killed them utterly by cutting their throats, when he had performed a leading away to a lake, and their city he gave over to Critoboulus, a Toronian, to be its guardian and to the Chalcidian race, and thus of Olynthus the Chalcidians got hold.

Then, having completely captured that land, Artabazus was devoting himself vigorously to Poteidaea, and with him who was devoting himself eagerly there compacted a betrayal Timoxeinus, the Scionians’ general; although in what manner in the beginning I at any rate am not able to say (for, in fact, it is not said), nevertheless in the end a thing like this was done: whenever one wrote a paper, either Timoxeinus wishing to send to Artabazus or Artabazus to Timoxeinus, after alongside the slots of an arrow they had wrapped round and feathered the paper, they shot the arrow to an agreed on spot. And Timoxeinus became detected in his betraying Poteidaea; for Artabazus in trying to shoot an arrow to the agreed on space missed the spot and hit a Poteidaean man’s shoulder, and round him who had been hit a crowd ran, like loves to happen in war, who immediately took hold of the arrow and, when they had learned of the paper, were bringing it to the generals. Moreover, there was present also of all the other Pallenians an alliance. So, to the generals, when they had read the paper and learned the cause of the betrayal, it seemed good not to strike him down with his betrayal for the sake of the Scionians’ city, lest the Scionians should be considered to be during the time thereafter on each and every occasion traitors.

He indeed in a manner like that had become detected, while for Artabazus, when for him in his besieging it had come to be three months, there came to be a great ebb in the sea and for a long time. Then the barbarians, having seen there had come to be a shallows, tried to go by to Pallene, but when they had made their passage by the way through two parts, and three were still left over, which they had to go through and be inside, in Pallene, there went over as great flood-tide in the sea as in no way yet, as the natives say, in comparison with the one that was coming to be often. Some of them, indeed, who knew not how to swim were being destroyed, while some who knew how the Poteidaeans sailed against with boats and killed. And the cause, say the Poteidaeans, of the flow and the Persian suffering proved this, that against Poseidon’s temple and his image in the suburb acted impiously precisely those among the Persians who in fact were destroyed by the sea, and in giving an account of that as cause to me at any rate they seem to speak well. And those who had become survivors Artabazus was leading away to Thessalie to Mardonius.

Those who had sent forth the king fared thus, and the naval force of Xerxes that had become a survivor, when it had reached Asia in its fleeing from Salamis and ferried the king and his host through from the Chersonese to Abydos, was wintering in Cyme. Then, spring having shone forth, early it was being gathered together at Samos. Moreover, some of the ships in fact had wintered in the very place and they of the Persians and Medes were the greater number to be marines. Now, as generals to them went Mardontes, Bagaeus’ son, and Artayntes, Artachaees’ son, and joining those in ruling also was the son of the brother of Artayntes himself, who had chosen him as an associate, Ithamitres. Then, seeing that they were greatly struck, they were not going forth farther over what was towards the west and not even one person was compelling them on, but, sitting down in Samos, they were guarding Ionia, that it should stand not apart, with three hundred ships together with the Ionian. Yet no, they were not expecting that the Greeks would go to Ionia, but that it would suffice for them to guard their own land, and they were making their judgement by the fact that they had not pursued them in their fleeing from Salamis, but gladly were departing. Now, at the sea they were worsted in their spirit, but on foot they thought that Mardonius would gain mastery by far. So, being in Samos, partly they were taking counsel for themselves whether they were able to do any bad to their enemies and partly they were also listening by ear to how the affairs of Mardonius would fall out.

Then the spring’s coming to be as well as Mardonius’ being in Thessaly was waking up the Greeks. Although their foot indeed was not yet being collected, yet their naval army came to Aegina, a hundred and ten ships in number. And the general and ruler of ships was Leutychides, Menares’ son, Hegesileos’ son, Hippocratides’ son, Leutychides’ son, Anaxileos’ son, Archidemus’ son, Anaxandrides’ son, Theopompus’ son, Nicandrus’ son, Charileos’ son, Eunomus’ son, Polydectes’ son, Prytanis’ son, Euryphon’s son, Proclees’ son, Aristodemus’ son, Aristomachus’ son, Cleodaeus’ son, Hyllus’ son, Heraclees’ son, and he was of the other house of the kings. All those, except the seven who were first to be recounted after Leutychides, all the others, had become kings of Sparta. And of the Athenians the general was Xanthippus, Ariphron’s son.

Then, when all the ships had come along to be in Aegina, there came messengers of the Ionians to the camp of the Greeks, they who also to Sparta a little before that had come and were asking of the Lacedaemonians to free Ionia, they among whom in fact was Herodotus, Basileides’ son, they who, having become men of faction among themselves, were taking counsel on death for Strattis, Chios’ tyrant, and were seven in the beginning, but, when they had become manifest in their taking counsel on that, after one of those who were having a share had brought forth the laying on of hands, thus indeed-- those left, being six-secretly got out of Chios and came to Sparta and, in particular, at that time to Aegina in their asking of the Greeks to sail down to Ionia, of them who led them forth with difficulty up to Delos, because what was farther was in its entirety awful to the Greeks, both because they were not acquainted with the places, and all seemed to be full of a host; moreover, they “knew” in opinion that Samos and the Pillars of Heracles were an equal distance away. And there fell out by coincidence a thing like that following, namely, so as for the barbarians not to dare to sail up over what’s towards the west higher than Samos in their state of utter dread and for the Greeks at Chians’ requesting not to dare to do so over what’s toward the east lower than Delos. Thus fear was guarding the space between them.

The Greeks indeed were sailing to Delos, and Mardonius was wintering round Thessaly. Then, making his base there, he was sending round through the oracles a man, one from Europus in birth, whose name was Mys, after his having given the injunction that he should go everywhere to consult the oracles that it was possible for them to make trial of. Because he wanted to learn completely what from the oracles he was giving that injunction I am not able to point out --for in fact it is not said-- but I for my part think that about the affairs that were on hand and not about other things he sent.

That Mys manifestly came to Lebadeia and by means of a wage persuaded among the natives a man to go down to Trophonius and came to Abae of the Phocians to the oracle. And, in particular, to Thebes first, when he had come, he, on the one hand, consulted Ismenian Apollo (and consulting the oracle is, precisely according as in Olympia, by sacred offerings in that very place) and, on the other, after he had persuaded a stranger and no Theban with money, he put him to sleep in Amphiareus’ place. Now, to none of the Thebans it is permitted to prophesy in that very place on account of this: Amphiareus bade them by dealing through oracles choose whichever of the two of those following things they wanted --make use of him either just as a prophet or just as an ally and keep themselves from the other thing-- and they chose him to be an ally. On account of that it is permitted to none of the Thebans in that very place to go to sleep within.

At that time then the greatest marvel to me is said by the Thebans to have happened, that there came, after all, the one from Europus, Mys, in his turning himself round to all the oracles, also to Ptoan Apollo’s sacred precinct. And that shrine is called Ptoan and is the Thebans’ and lies above the Copaian lake close by a mountain nearest to Acraephie, a city. To that shrine, when there had gone inside that one who was called Mys, there were following him of the townsmen three chosen men from the commonwealth with the intention that they would write down for themselves what one was to speak divinely and straightway the mantic by means of a barbarian tongue was giving an oracle. And those of the Thebans who were following were held in a state of marvel when they were hearing a barbarian tongue instead of a Greek and knew not what use they were to make of the matter that was at hand, but the one from Europus, Mys, after he had seized away from them the tablet that they were bringing with themselves, what was being said by the prophet he was writing on it and was asserting that he by means of a Carian tongue was giving the oracle and, when he had performed a composing for himself, he was gone and went away to Thessaly.

Then Mardonius, when he had read for himself just what the oracles were the speakers of, after that sent as a messenger to Athens Alexander, Amyntes’ son, a Macedonian man, partly in that the Persians were kin to him, because Alexander’s sister and Amyntes’ daughter, Gygaee, Boubares, a Persian man, had had in marriage, of whom to him was born the Amyntes in Asia, who had the name of his maternal grandfather, and it was he to whom indeed by the king had been given in Phrygia Alabanda, a large city, to draw revenue from, and partly Mardonius, because he had learned by inquiry that Alexander was a public host and benefactor, was performing the sending. For the Athenians thus he thought he most would acquire over, when he was hearing that after all they were a large and valorous folk and that the sufferings that had met with them at the sea the Athenians had worked out especially he knew. So, those added, he was utterly expecting that easily over the sea he would gain mastery, precisely what in fact would have been, and on foot he was thinking that he was by far stronger; in short, thus he was reckoning the affairs of him would be superior to the Greeks’. And perhaps also the oracles might have been predicting that for him and advising that he should make for himself as an ally the Athenian and it was they in obeying whom indeed he was performing the sending.

Of that Alexander, then, the seventh ancestor, Perdicces, is the one who acquired the Macedonians’ tyranny in a manner like this: from Argos fled to the Illyrians of Temenus’ descendants three brothers, Gauanes, Aeropus and Perdicces, and, when they had crossed over from the Illyrians to upper Macedonia, they came to Lebaee, a city. So there they were laborers for a fee at the king’s court, one pasturing horses, one cows and one, the youngest of them, Perdicces, the small ones among the cattle. Now, formerly even the members of the tyrannies among human beings were lacking in strength in respect to money, not only the people, and the wife of the king herself was cooking their food for them. And, whenever she baked, the loaf of the child, the laborer, Perdicces, itself became twice as large as itself. So, when on each and every occasion that same thing was happening, she spoke to her husband, and into him, when he had heard, it went immediately that it was a portent and was leading to something large. Then, having called his laborers, he was publicly saying forth to them that they should depart from his land, and they were asserting that it was just for them to take away their fee and thus go away. Thereupon the king, when he had heard about the fee, as the sun was getting in down through the smoke-vent into the house, said, since he had been stricken by a god, “And as a fee to you worthy of you I am offering away this”, and he showed the sun. Gauanes and Aeropus, the older ones, stood struck out of themselves, when they had heard that, while the child, as in fact he had a knife, said this, “We receive, o king, what you are offering”, and inscribed round with the knife into the ground of the house the sun. And, when he had performed the inscribing round, after into his bosom thrice he had drawn for himself some of the sun, he departed, himself as well as those with him.

They indeed went away, and to the king one among the sitting by indicated what kind of a thing the child had done and that with mind the youngest of those had taken hold of what was being offered. Then he, having heard that and brought to a point of anger, sent against them horsemen to perform a destroying. Now, there is a river in that country, to whom the descendants of those men from Argos sacrifice as to a savior. That, when the sons of Temenus had stepped through, flowed so large as for the horsemen not to prove able to step through. So they, having come to another land in Macedonia, settled near the gardens said to be Mides the son of Gordies’, in which grow on their own roses, each one with sixty petals, and in smell are excelling all the others. In those gardens also Silenus was captured, as is said by the Macedonians. And over those gardens lies a mountain, Bermius in name, impassable through the agency of wintry weather. Then, they were setting off thence, when they had gotten hold of that land, and were subjecting also all the rest of Macedonia.

From that Perdicces indeed Alexander this way was descended: of Amyntes Alexander was a child and Amyntes of Alcetes, while of Alcetes Aeropus was the father, of him Philippus, of Philippus Argaeus and of him Perdicces the one who had acquired the rule.

There was descended indeed this way Alexander the son of Amyntes and, when he had come to Athens after he had been sent away by Mardonius, he was saying this: “Men of Athens, Mardonius says this: ‘For me a message has come from the king that speaks thus: ‘For the Athenians all the offences that were done to me by them I let go of. In short, now this way, Mardonius, act: on the one hand, their land to them give back and, on the other, another in addition to that let them choose themselves, whichever they wish at all, and be autonomous. And all shrines for them, if indeed they want at any rate to make an agreement with me, put upright again, which I burned down’. And, that having come, it is necessary for me to do that, if what’s yours proves not a cause for blame. So I say to you this: Why now are you mad in raising for yourself in opposition war with the king? For you neither would produce an excelling over nor are able to hold out in opposition the whole time. For you saw Xerxes’ expedition’s multitude and works and are learning by inquiry also the power that now is with me so that, even if you excel over us and prevail, precisely which for you there’s no hope of, precisely if you think well, another one will be at hand many times greater. Accordingly, stop wanting by trying to make yourself equal to the king to deprive yourself of your country and to run on each and every occasion out of concern for yourselves, but rather make terms. And it is possible for you most beautifully to make terms, the king minded that way. Be free, after with us you have agreed on a martial league without treachery and deception’. Mardonius that, o Athenians, enjoined on me to say to you, and I for my part, although concerning the good inclination of me towards you I will say nothing, as not now first you would completely perform a learning, yet ask on of you to obey Mardonius. For I see not in you those who will be able the whole time to wage war with Xerxes --for if I had been seeing that in you, never to you would I have gone with these speeches-- for in fact power beyond a human being is the king’s and a very long hand. Accordingly, if not immediately you make an agreement, when they are stretching forth great conditions on which they wish to make an agreement, I am afraid about you, since you are settled most on the beaten path of all the allies and on each and every occasion are being destroyed alone, possessors of the land chosen out and a space between armies. Well, obey; for that’s worth much for you, if the great king at any rate for you alone among the Greeks lets go away the offences and wishes to become a friend”.

Alexander said that, and the Lacedaemonians, having learned by inquiry that Alexander was present at Athens to bring the Athenians into agreement with the barbarian, when they had remembered the spoken oracles, that they had together with all the other Dorians to be thrown out of the Peloponnese by the Medes and the Athenians, both feared very much lest the Athenians make an agreement with the Persian and immediately to them it seemed good to send messengers. And lo! it fell out coincidentally so as for their taking up a position to come to be together; for the Athenians waited on up and were passing time, since they knew well that the Lacedaemonians were to learn by inquiry that there was present from the barbarian a messenger with a view to an agreement and, when they had learned by inquiry, to send with speed messengers. Accordingly, purposely they were acting in their trying to display for themselves to the Lacedaemonians their opinion.

So, when Alexander had stopped speaking, the messengers from Sparta received their turn and were saying, “And us the Lacedaemonians sent to ask of you to neither do anything newer concerning Greece nor receive with consent speeches from the barbarian. For it’s neither just nor bringing forth an adornment, neither at any rate for any others among the Greeks --and for you indeed in fact above all least for many reasons; for you stirred up this war when we wanted it not at all and concerning your land at the beginning the competition came about, but now it refers also to all Greece. And besides, without quite all that, to prove the causes of the slavery to the Greeks’ disadvantage for the Athenians is in no way endurable, who on each and every occasion in fact formerly manifestly freed many among human beings. However, together with you, when you are being oppressed, we are being troubled, both in that you are deprived of two crops of fruit by now and in that you are destroyed in your household much time by now. And in return for that to you the Lacedaemonians and their allies promise from themselves that women and all the things useless for war that are of the nature of members of a household they will maintain as long as this war should be broken out. But you let Alexander the Macedonian not convince by smoothing Mardonius’ speech. For that one must do that --for, being a tyrant, with a tyrant he works together entirely-- but you at any rate must not do it, precisely if in fact you are thinking well, since you know that barbarians’ is nothing either reliable or truth”. That the messengers said.

Then the Athenians to Alexander on the one hand answered this: “We ourselves also that at any rate know, that the Mede’s is a power many times larger than ours precisely so that not at all must you cast that reproach at any rate, but all the same in striving after freedom we will defend ourselves thus howsoever in fact we can, and to make an agreement with the barbarian neither try you to persuade us strongly nor will we be persuaded. Both announce off to Mardonius that the Athenians say that, as long as the sun the same way should go precisely by which in fact now it goes, never will we make an agreement with Xerxes, but we will go out against him in defending ourselves relying on allied gods and the heroes, with no respect for whom that one burned down their houses and their images, and, as for you, the remaining time with speeches like this stop appearing out to the Athenians and stop in thinking you are working out useful service advising the performing of lawless works. For we want you to suffer nothing unagreeable at the Athenians’ hands, since you are a public host and a friend”.

To Alexander on the one hand that they answered, and to the messengers from Sparta on the other this: “For the Lacedaemonians to be afraid lest we make an agreement with the barbarian was very human, but shamefully at any rate you look like, since you have your complete knowledge of the Athenians’ thought, you are frightened, in that neither is there so much gold anywhere on earth nor a country that in beauty and virtue excels greatly, should we receive which, we would be willing by medizing to utterly enslave Greece. For many and great are the things that thoroughly prevent doing that even if we are willing: first and greatest, the gods’ images and housings’ being burned down and demolished, for which it is necessary for us to take vengeance to the greatest degree rather than precisely to make an agreement with the one who worked that out, and afterwards the Greek people, because it is of the same blood and of the same tongue, and both the gods’ common seats and sacrificings and customs of the same manner, betrayers of which for the Athenians to prove would not be good. In short, know thus, if in fact previously you in fact were not knowing, that, as long as even one of the Athenians should be surviving, not at all will we make an agreement with Xerxes. However, of you we admire the forethought that relates to us, in that you so foresaw our being destroyed in our household as to be willing to maintain the members of the household of us. And, although for you our gratitude is completely filled, we however will persevere thus howsoever we are able without at all paining you. But now, on the ground that it is thus, a host as quickly as possible send out. For, as we conjecture, not far in time will be present the barbarian in his throwing in to our land, but as soon as whenever he learns by inquiry of our message that nothing will we do of what that one of us requests. Accordingly, before that one is present in the Attic land, for you it is the right time to come to the rescue previously to Boeotia”. They then, when that the Athenians had answered, were departing to Sparta.



end of Book 8