Installment 45            
 Then Mardonius, when Alexander had returned back and given him the indications from the Athenians’ side, set off from Thessaly and was leading his host with haste against Athens and, wherever on each occasion he came to be, he took over those there. In respect to the leaders of Thessaly then both what had been done before that repented them nothing and more by far were they leading in the Persian; in fact, Thorex the Lerisian had joined in sending forth Xerxes in his flight and that time out in the light let Mardonius go by against Greece.

So, after the army in making its passage had come to be among the Boeotians, the Thebans were taking hold on Mardonius and counseling him by giving account how there was no place more suitable to encamp one’s army in than that and they would not allow him to go farther, but to sit himself in the very spot and see how he would subject to himself the whole Greece without battle, as by might of Greeks, if they thought similarly, precisely who also formerly had formed the same judgements, it was difficult to become survivors, even for all human beings jointly, “but, if you will do what we recommend,” they asserted with giving account, “you will have without toil all the counsels of those jointly. Send money to them who are powerful in their cities and, by sending, you will cause Greece to stand in various dispositions and thence them whoever have not your thoughts easily with your men of faction you will subject to yourself”.

Although they kept counseling that, yet he could not be persuaded, but in him a terrible yearning was dripped to capture Athens a second time, partly by lack of judgement; partly with firesigns through the islands he thought he would make clear to the king, who was in Sardis, that he had Athens. He not even that time, having come to the land of Attica, found the Athenians, but both in Salamis was learning by inquiry most were and in their ships; in short, he captured the town bereft. Its capture by the king to the later arming against it by Mardonius then was done in ten months.

Then, when Mardonius had come to be in Athens, he sent to Salamis Mourychides, a man from the Hellespont, who brought the same accounts that Alexander the Macedonian also had ferried through for the Athenians, and was dispatching that off, because he had beforehand no friendly judgements from the Athenians, but in the hope that they would let themselves go from under their lack of judgement, on the grounds that captive of lance was the whole country of Attica and was under him. For that reason he sent off Mourychides to Salamis.

And he, having come before the council, was giving the account from Mardonius’ side. Then, among the counselors Lycides spoke a judgement that it seemed to him to be better to receive the account that Mourychides had brought forward to them and to carry it out to the people. He indeed was bringing off to light for himself that judgement, either probably because he had received money from Mardonius, or maybe that was pleasing him, but the Athenians immediately considered it terrible and they from the council and they from outside, when they had learned of it by inquiry, stood round and mortally stoned Lycides by their hits, whereas him from the Hellespont they sent off unharmed. Then, uproar made in Salamis about Lycides, the women among the Athenians were learning by inquiry what was being done and they, having issued one another biddings throughout their body, woman to woman, and taken over persons, went to the home of Lycides self-bidden and mortally stoned the wife and mortally the offspring of him.

Now, the Athenians stepped across to Salamis this way: While they were expecting an army from the Peloponnese would move to be present to succour them, they then remained in the land of Attica, but when some were engaging in somewhat long and somewhat leisurely acts and one who was going against them even then was accounted to be in Boeotia, thus indeed they secretly conveyed out all for themselves and themselves stepped across to Salamis and they were sending messengers to Lacedaemon partly to find fault with the Lacedaemonians, in that they had overlooked the barbarian’s having thrown into the land of Attica and had not rather gone with them to Boeotia to face him, and partly to remind them of all that the Persian had promised them, if they changed, that they would give; in short, in order to say publicly that, if they would not assist the Athenians-- how in fact they by themselves would find themselves some shelter.

For indeed the Lacedaemonians were observing a festival during that time and it was Hyacinthia for them, and they held to make the provisions of the god worth most, while at the same time the wall of theirs, which wall they were building in the Isthmus, even by then was taking on parapets. So, when to Lacedaemon the messengers from Athens had come and at the same time were bringing with themselves messengers from Megara and from Plataeae, they were giving this account, when they went before the ephors: “Athenians sent us by way of giving an account that to us the king of the Medes, on the one hand, is offering back our country and, on the other, he wishes allies on the condition of an equal and similar way to have us made without treachery and deception and wishes also to offer another country in addition to ours, whichever we ourselves choose. Yet we, feeling shame before Zeus of Greece and Greece thinking terrible to give over, have not made our commendation, but have spoken for ourselves a refusal, although we are being done injustice and utterly given over by the Greeks and we know that it is more profitable to give similar account to the Persian’s precisely rather than to wage war, and no, we will not give similar account, as far as we are willing. Although in fact what’s from us, thus guileless, is distributed throughout the Greeks, yet you came that time to every kind of dread lest we give similar account to the Persian’s and, after you had learned in full our thinking distinctly, that we will in no way give over Greece, and on account of the fact that a wall for you is being drawn through the Isthmus and is at its end, lo! have a consideration of no account regarding the Athenians; you both, having compacted with us that you would show face at Boeotia, have given us over and overlook the barbarian’s having thrown into the land of Attica. Now, at the present moment the Athenians are wroth with you; for you acted not suitably. They now then bid you with whatever quickness there is a host jointly with us send out that we may receive the barbarian in the land of Attica; for, since we have missed the mark of Boeotia, in our land at any rate the Thriasian plain is most suitable to battle in”.

Then, when, after all, the ephors had heard that, they were delaying answering to the day later, and the day later to the next other; that in fact for ten days they were doing: from day to day they were delaying. And in that time all Peloponnesians were building the wall for the Isthmus with much haste and for them it was near its end. Now, I am not able to say the cause on which account at the coming of Alexander the Macedonian to Athens they had made great haste about the Athenians’ not medizing, but that time had no care, at least other than that the Isthmus was walled by them and they thought they would no longer need the Athenians at all, whereas, when Alexander had come to the land of Attica, it was not yet walled off and they were working greatly in utter fear of the Persians.

Then finally the manner of the answering and the going out of the Spartiates proved like this: the day before the last establishment of an audience was to be, Chileus, a man of Tegea, who had the greatest power among foreign friends in Lacedaemon, learned by inquiry from the ephors a whole account, and it was that account which indeed the Athenians were giving. So, having heard, Chileos was giving, after all, them this account: “Thus it is, men, ephors: If the Athenians are not united with us, but allied to the barbarian, although a wall is drawn through the Isthmus strong, large gates are spread open into the Peloponnese for the Persian. Well, hearken, before something else seems good to the Athenians that brings tripping on Greece.”

As he was offering that counsel to them, so they took hold of his account immediately and they, without having pointed out anything to the messengers come from the cities, while still night, sent out five times a thousand among the Spartiates and seven round each among the helots, after they had appointed them, while to Pausanies, Cleombrotus’ son, they entrusted the leading out. Now, the leading was proving Pleistarchus Leonides’ son’s, but the latter was still a child and the former the guardian and cousin of that one; for Cleobrotus, Pausanies’ father and Anaxandrides’ son, no longer survived, but, when he had lead off out of the Isthmus the host that had built the wall, after that not a long time he lived and died. Cleombrotus then was leading off the host out of the Isthmus on account of this: For him, when he was sacrificing for his side against the Persian, the sun became dark in the sky. So, Pausanies chose as an addition to himself Euryanax, Dorieus’ son, a man who was of the same house. As they indeed together with Pausanies had gone out of Sparta, so the messengers, when it had become day, with no knowledge about the going out, went before the ephors and had in mind indeed to depart, even themselves, each to his own land. So, they, having gone before them, were giving this account: “You, for your part, o Lacedaemonians, while you remain here on the very spot, hold Hyacinthia and play in your utter handing over of the allies! The Athenians, for theirs, on the grounds that they are being done injustice by you and because of the abandonment of allies, will reach a resolution for themselves with the Persian thus howsoever they can. Then, having reached a resolution for ourselves, because it’s clear that we become allies of the king, we will join in advancing with an army against whichever land those lead out, and you thereafter will learn whatsoever a thing steps out from it for you”. The messengers giving that account, the ephors said on oath that even then they thought that there were in Orestheium marchers against the foreigners; for they were calling the barbarians foreigners. The others, on the grounds that they had no knowledge, were asking about what was being said and they, having asked about it, learned fully all that was so that they came to be in a state of marvel and were making their passage the quickest way in pursuit; moreover, with them of the Lacedaemonians settled round five times a thousand picked men were doing that same act.

They indeed were hastening to the Isthmus, while the Argians, as soon as they had learned by inquiry that those with Pausanies had gone out from Sparta, sent a herald from among the day-runners, after he had found out the best, to the land of Attica, because beforehand they themselves had received the charge that they would hold the Spartiate from going out. He, after he had come to Sparta, was giving this account: “Mardonius, the Argians sent me to point out to you that from Lacedaemon the youth has gone out and how the Argians are not powerful enough to keep holding it from going out. Thereupon in fact take counsel well for yourself”.

As he indeed said that and was departing back, so Mardonius in no way any longer was eager to remain in the land of Attica, when he had heard that. Now, before he had learned that by inquiry, he was holding back, because he wished to have the knowledge from the Athenians’ side what kind of an act they would do, and would neither inflict woe on nor harm the land of Attica, since he hoped thoughout all that they would give similar account, but when he could not produce persuasion, after having learned a whole account, before they with Pausanies threw into the Isthmus, he was moving out of his place secretly, once he had burned down Athens and, if anywhere there was anything upright in the walls or the buildings or the shrines, thrown down and heaped together them all. Moreover, he was driving out because of this, in that both the country of Attica was not fit for horse and, if he should be prevailed over after having given battle, there was no way of departing except down a narrow path so as for even a few human beings to hold them. Accordingly, he was taking counsel for himself to move his place back over to Thebes and to give battle near a friendly city and in a country fit for horse.

As Mardonius indeed was moving out of his place secretly, so by then, while he was on the way, to him went a message, as a forerunner another host had arrived at Megara, a thousand of the Lacedaemonians, and he, having learned that by inquiry, was taking counsel for himself, because, if in any way he could first capture those, he was willing. So, he turned back and was leading his host to Megara, and his horse went forth and utterly filled with horse the Megarian country. To that land indeed farthest in Europe over the spot toward the sun’s sinking that Persian host came.

Then after that to Mardonius came a message how the Greeks were gathered jointly in the Isthmus. Thus indeed he was making his passage back through Decelee; for the rulers of Boeotia sent for those of the Asopians placed near, and those were leading him the way to the Sphendalians and thence to Tanagra. In Tanagra then a night having taken up his quarters and having turned himself the day later to Scolus, he was in the land of the Thebans, and there among the Thebans, although they were medizing, he was shearing the places, nothing in accordance with hate of them, but as he was being held by great necessity, because he wanted to have made a defensive work for the army camp, and, if, while he was giving battle, there stepped not out for him whatever kind of a thing he wished, he was having that made as a refuge. Now, his army camp, beginning from Erythrae, had arrived alongside Hysiae and was stretching to the land of Plataeae, stationed alongside the river Asopus. However, the wall at any rate was not made like that size, but each side somewhere approximately about over ten stades’ extent. So, the army having that toil, Attaginus, the son of Phrynon, a man of Thebes, prepared himself greatly and was calling to entertainments for foreign friends Mardonius himself and the fifty of the Persians most to give account of, and those, called, were following, and the dinner was being made in Thebes.

Now, this left over by now I was hearing from Thersandrus, a man from Orchomenus and to give account of to the first degree in Orchomenus. Thersandrus then asserted that he himself also was called by Attaginus to that dinner and the Thebans’ fifty men also were called, and one made each group of the two of them recline not apart, but a Persian and Theban on each recliner; that, when they were done with dinner, while they were drinking on, the Persian reclined similarly was uttering a Greek tongue and asked him from where he was and he answered that he was from Orchomenus; that that one then said, “Now, since you have come to be tabled similarly and libated similarly to me, memorials of my judgement for you I wish to leave behind myself, that in fact you may have foreknowledge and by yourself about yourself be able to take the profitable counsel for yourself. See you those Persians who are feasting themselves and the army that we have left encamped as an army by the river? Of all those you will see, a little time having gone by, a little number them who become survivors”; that at the same time the Persian was giving that account and letting go freely many of his tears, and he himself marvelled at the account and said to him, “Accordingly, have you not to give that account to Mardonius and them with him who are in commendation among the Persians?”; and that that one then after that said, “Foreigner, whatever must come to be from the god, it’s uncontrivable to turn away for a human being; for in fact givers of credible accounts no one is willing to obey. And, although that we, numerous of the Persians, understand, we follow bound in necessity, and that’s the most hateful anguish of those among human beings, to think many things and have mastery over none”. That from the one from Orchomenus, Thersandrus, I was hearing, and this in addition to that, that he himself immediately was giving that account to human beings before the battle in Plataeae was waged.

Now, while Mardonius was encamped with the army, though the rest, all jointly, were furnishing for themselves a host and joined in throwing into Athens, precisely who were medizing among the Greeks settled there, yet the Phocians joined not in throwing in; for those also were medizing with vehemence, not willingly but by necessity. Then not many days later, after the coming to Thebes, went a thousand hoplites from among them and the leader of them was Harmocydes, a man most to be thought good of his fellow-townsmen, and, when those also had come to Thebes, Mardonius sent and was bidding them by themselves to be seated in the plain and, when they had done that, immediately was present all the horse jointly. Then after that, as went out through the Greek army camp that was with the Medes a report that he would shoot them down with javelins, so went out through the Phocians themselves that same. Then indeed their general Harmocydes was making recommendations to them by giving an account like this: “O Phocians, because it’s clear beforehand that those human beings are to give us to foreseen death, since we have been slandered by the Thessalians, as I hold likely, now accordingly every single man of you must prove good; for it’s better as actors of some deed and defenders of selves to meet the end of the span precisely than as furnishers over to be destroyed by a most shameful doom. Well, let every one of them learn that they, being barbarians, against Greek men have stitched together killing”.

As he was making that recommendation, so the horsemen, after they had encircled them for themselves, were driving in opposition, as if they would cause them to perish, and lo! were stretching themselves their missiles out, as if they would let them go forth, and somewhere some one in fact let one go forth. And those facing stood, after having turned together every way and made close themselves as much as possible. Thereupon the horsemen were turning away and driving off back. I then am not able to say exactly either whether they went to cause the Phocians to perish at the requesting of the Thessalians and, when they were seeing that they were turned to resistance, in fear lest against them a blow be struck, thus indeed they were driving off back (for thus Mardonius had enjoined on them) or whether they wished to make trial of them whether they had any share of valor, but, when the horsemen had driven off back, Mardonius sent a herald and was giving this account: “Be bold, Phocians --for you manifestly are good men, not as I had learned by inquiry-- and now eagerly bear that war here; for in benefactions you will not prevail over either, accordingly, me or the king”. The deeds about the Phocians were done to a point like that in magnitude.

And the Lacedaemonians, when they had gone into the Isthmus, in that spot were encamping as an army, and they, having learned by inquiry that, the Peloponnesians left, to whom the better things were pleasing, and they also who were seeing that the Spartiates were going out, thought not just to be left out of the going out. Indeed accordingly from the Isthmus, the omens having been favorable, all were making their passage and came to Eleusis, and they, having done sacred acts there also, when the omens were being favorable for them, were making their passage farther, and the Athenians jointly with them, after having stepped across from Salamis and been mixed together in Eleusis. So, when, after all, they had come in Boeotia to Erythrae and learned indeed that the barbarians were encamping as an army by the Asopus, they then pointed that out to themselves and were stationing themselves on the foothills of Cithaeron.

Mardonius then, when the Greeks would not step down to the plain, sent to them all his horse, the ruler of which horse was Masistius, being thought well of on the Persians’ side, whom the Greeks call Macistius, with a Nisaean horse, golden-bridled and otherwise adorned beautifully. Thereupon, when the horsemen had driven forward toward the Greeks, they were attacking, regiment by regiment, and they, in their attacking, were working out great evils and abusively calling them women.

Then by coincidence the Megarians in fact were stationed where in the whole place it was most open to battle, and the going in opposition of the horse was most conducted there. Accordingly, the horse keeping attacking, the Megarians, being oppressed, were sending before the generals of the Greeks a herald, and the herald came and was giving to them this account: “The Megarians say, ‘We, allied men, are not powerful enough to receive the horse of the Persians alone with that as a station at which we stood to begin with, but in fact hitherto with perseverance and virtue we have been holding out in opposition, although we are being oppressed. In short, now, if you will not send any others as successors of the post, know that we will fully leave the post”. As he indeed was announcing that off to them, so Pausanies was making a trial of the Greeks whether there were willing any others willingly to go to that place and station themselves as successors to the Megarians and, as the rest wanted it not, the Athenians received the undertaking and of the Athenians the three hundred picked men, the leader of which company was Olympiodorus, the son of Lampon.

Those were they who received the undertaking and they who were stationed on behalf of the rest of the Greeks who were present at Erythrae, after having chosen in addition their bowmen. Then, when they were battling over an extent of time, an end was made like this in the battle: The horse attacking, regiment by regiment, the horse of Masistius that was keeping in front of the rest was hit by an arrow in its sides and in pain stood upright and shook Masistius off from itself. Then, after he had fallen, the Athenians immediately were applied to him; his horse indeed they took hold of and him, while he was defending himself, they killed, though at the beginning they had not the power; for he was dressed up thus: Inside he had a scaly golden breastplate, and down over the breastplate a crimson tunic he had donned on. So, by striking into the breastplate they were doing nothing, at any rate precisely before someone learned what was being done and smote him to his eye. Thus indeed he fell and died. Now, somehow that’s happening had escaped the notice of the rest of the horsemen, as they neither had seen that he had fallen from his horse nor that he was dying; while a movement back to their place and a turn round was being made, they had not learned what was happening, but, after they had come to a stand, immediately they longed, as no one was the stationer of them and they, having learned what had happened, issued one another biddings throughout their body and all were driving their horses that they might take up for themselves the corpse at least.

Then the Athenians, after having seen that the horsemen no longer were driving toward their adversary, regiment by regiment, but all at the same time, let out a shout for themselves for the rest of the host, and, while the whole foot jointly were coming on to the rescue, in that interval a keen battle about the corpse was waged. Now, as long as the three hundred were alone, they were being worsted by far and leaving behind the corpse, but, when the multitude had come to their rescue, thus indeed no longer could the horsemen remain on and it came not about for them to take up the corpse for themselves; rather in addition to that one they caused others to perish among the horsemen. Accordingly, having stood away approximately two stades, they were taking counsel about what they had to do, and it seemed good to them, there being anarchy, to drive off to Mardonius’ side.

Then, when the horse had come to the army camp, they expressed sorrow for Masistius, all the host and Mardonius, most greatly, as they were shearing themselves and their horses and their yoke-animals and making use of endless wailing; for all Boeotia jointly a ringing was occupying on the grounds that a man had perished most to be given account of, at least after Mardonius, among the Persians and the king. Now, the barbarians in their manner were honoring Masistius.

And the Greeks, when the horse they had received in its attacking and, after having made the reception, thrust away from themselves, become more bold by far, and first they put into a wagon and were conveying the corpse alongside the posts --for the corpse was worthy of beholding because of magnitude and beauty, and because of that they also were doing that following act: they were leaving behind their posts and going frequently to behold Masistius-- and afterwards it seemed good to them to step down on into Plataeae; for the place manifestly was more suitable by far for them to encamp as an army in, the Plataean than the Erythraean, in all other respects and was more well-watered. Into that place indeed and upon the Gargaphian spring that was in that land it seemed to them they had to come and, posted variously, to encamp as an army. So, they took up their gear and went through the foothills of Cithaeron alongside Hysiae into the land of Plataeae and, after having come, they were posting themselves, nation by nation, near the Gargaphian spring and the sacred precinct of Androcrates the hero through not high hills and a flat place.

Thereupon in the posting variously came about much wrangling of accounts between the Tegeans and the Athenians; for each group of the two thought just for themselves to have the other wing and were bringing by both recent and ancient works. On the one hand, the Tegeans were giving this account: “We from time immemorial have been thought worthy of that post by all the allies jointly in all common goings out that by now were conducted for the Peloponnesians both anciently and newly from that time when the sons of Heracles were trying after the death of Eurystheus to go back down into the Peloponnese. That time we found ourselves that on account of a matter like this: When with the Achaeans and the Ionians who that time were in the Peloponnese we had come out to the rescue to the Isthmus and were seated facing them who were attempting to go back down, that time accordingly, there’s an account, Hyllus spoke publicly for himself that the army with the army had not to run up a risk in giving battle, but from the Peloponnesian army camp that one among themselves whomever they judged to be best to battle alone with him on the conditions put down. In short, it seemed to the Peloponnesians that had to be done and they swore an oath on the condition of an account like this: If Hyllus prevailed over the leader of the Peloponnesians, the sons of Heracles should go back down to their fathers’ spots, but, if he was prevailed over, on the contrary, the sons of Heracles should depart and lead off the host and they a hundred years should not seek going back down to the Peloponnese. Indeed there was judged first out of all the allies willingly Echemus, Eeropus’ son, Phegeus’ son, who was our general and king, and he alone battled and killed Hyllus. In consequence of that work we found ourselves among the Peloponnesians of that time both many other privileges that we continue to have and to be the leader on each and every occasion of the other wing, a common going out being conducted. Now, though you, o Lacedaemonians, we oppose not, but offer choice of which wing of the two you want to rule and let it go by, yet of the other we assert to us it comes to be the leader precisely just as in the time formerly. In short, apart from that work related, we are worthier in victory than the Athenians to have that post. For as many that were good against you by us, Spartiate men, have been the competitions competed and as many also against others. Thus accordingly it’s just for us to have the other wing precisely rather than the Athenians; for not theirs are precisely the kind of works that have been utterly worked out by us, either, accordingly, recent or ancient ones”.

As they were giving that account, so the Athenians thereupon gave this reply: “Although we understand this going together here for battle’s purpose has been gathered together against the barbarian, but not for accounts’, yet, since the Tegean has put forth to give account of ancient and recent works that have been worked out as useful by each group of the two in the whole of time, it is necessary for us to make clear to you whence it is of our fathers’ for us, who are useful, on each and every occasion to be first rather than for the Arcadians. The sons of Heracles, of whom those assert they killed the leader in the Isthmus, when those previously were being driven out by all Greeks, to whom they came in flight from slavery at the hands of the Mycenians, we alone having received in and took down the insolence of Eurystheus, after having with those prevailed over in battle them who that time had the Peloponnese. On the other hand, regarding the Argians who with Polyneices had driven against Thebes, when they had met the end of their span and were lying unburied, we, after having advanced with an army against the Cadmians, took up for ourselves their corpses, we assert, and performed burial in our land in Eleusis. Moreover, there is ours a work that was good also against the Amazonian women from the Thermodon river, when they threw on one occasion into the land of Attica, and in the Trojan toils we were left behind none. But no more, as it profits nothing to remember those things; for in fact, being useful that time, the same now could be meaner and, that time being mean, now could be better. Now, let there be enough of ancient works and, if nothing else has been shown forth by us, precisely as there have been many things that were good, if by any others among the Greeks, well, in fact in consequence of our work in Marathon we are worthy to have that privilege and others in addition to that, since we, alone of the Greeks quite, alone battled the Persians, and, after having put our hand to a work like that in magnitude, we became survivors and prevailed over six and forty nations. Are we not justified in having that post in consequence of that work alone? But, because not on the occasion of a matter like this for a post’s sake is it fitting to be factious, we are prepared to obey you, o Lacedaemonians, to stand where it is thought to be most suitable for us and opposite whom; for we, posted anywhere, will try to be useful. So, lead forth the way on the grounds that men will obey”.

As those were answering that, so among the Lacedaemonians the whole army camp jointly let out a shout that the Athenians were worthier in victory to have the wing precisely than the Arcadians. Thus indeed the Athenians got hold of it and overcame the Tegeans. Then, after that, they were being posted, they who came after and they who had gone to begin with among the Greeks. The right wing a myriad of Lacedaemonians had, and of those five times a thousand, who were Spartiates, lightly armed among the helots were guarding, fives times a thousand and thrice a myriad, round each man seven posted. Then next to them the Spartiates chose the Tegeans to stand because of both honor and virtue, and of those were a thousand and five hundred hoplites. Then, after those, were standing of the Corinthians five times a thousand and by their side they found themselves from Pausanies to stand of the Poteidaeans from Pallene the three hundred present. Then, being next to those, were standing six hundred Orchomenian Arcadians, and, to those, of the Sicyonians thrice a thousand. Then, being next to those, of the Epidaurians eight hundred. Then to their side of the Troezenians were being posted a thousand and, being next to the Troezenians, of the Lepreans two hundred and, to those, of the Mycenians and the Tirynthians four hundred and, being next to those, a thousand Phleiasians. Then to their side stood three hundred Hermionians. Then, being next to the Hermionians, were standing of the Eretrians and Styrians six hundred and, to those, four hundred Chalcidians and, to those, of the Ampraciotians five hundred. Then after those of the Leucadians and Anactorians eight hundred stood and, being next to those, the two hundred Palians from Cephallenia. Then after those of the Aeginetians five hundred were posted. Then to their side were being posted of the Megarians thrice a thousand. Then were next to them six hundred Plataeans. Then last and first the Athenians were being posted, who had the wing of good name, eight times a thousand, and the general of them was Aristeides, Lysimachus’son.

Those, except the seven posted for the Spartiates round each, were hoplites, who all together jointly were in number three myriads and eight thousands and seven hundreds. As all the hoplites gathered together against the barbarian were that many, so the multitude of lightly armed was this: As of the Spartiate post five times a thousand and thrice a myriad men on the grounds that there were seven round each man (and of those everyone was prepared as for war), so the lightly armed of the Lacedaemonian and Greek left, on the grounds that there was one round each man, were five hundred and four times a thousand and thrice a myriad. As indeed of all the lightly armed fit for battle jointly the multitude was six myriads and nine thousands and five hundreds, so of all the Greek force together that had gone together to Plataeae, including hoplites and lightly armed fit for battle, were eleven myriads that utterly lacked one thousand and, in addition, eight hundred men, but, including those of the Thespians present, the eleven myriads were filled out; for there were present also those of the Thespians who were survivors in the army camp to the sum of eight hundred and a thousand in number, but gear in fact those had not.
 
Installment 46            
 Now, as those posted by the Asopus were encamped as an army, so the barbarians round with Mardonius, when they had finished bewailing Masistius, were present, as they had learned by inquiry that the Greeks were in Plataeae, even themselves, at the Asopus that flows there. Then, after having come, they were being posted in opposition this way by Mardonius: Opposite the Lacedaemonians, in the first instance, he stood the Persians. For in fact lo! the Persians largely survived in multitude; they were arranged over more lines and were extending over the Tegeans also. He then made the post thus: as whatever was the most powerful part of them he picked out in its entirety and stood facing the Lacedaemonians, so the part more lacking in strength he posted in line opposite the Tegeans, and he was doing that by the pointing out and teaching of the Thebans. Then as them who were next to the Persians he posted the Medes, and those extended over the Corinthians and the Poteidaeans as well as the Orchomenians and the Sicyonians. Then as them who were next to the Medes he posted the Bactrians, and those extended over the Epidaurians and the Troezenians and the Lepreans and the Tirynthians as well as the Mycenians and the Phleiasians. Then after the Bactrians he stood the Indians, and those extended over the Hermionians and the Eretrians as well as the Styrians and the Chalcidians. Then as them who were next to the Indians he posted the Sacians, who extended over the Ampraciotians and the Anactorians as well as the Leucadians and the Palians and the Aeginetians. Then as them who were next to the Sacians he posted facing the Athenians and the Plataeans as well as the Megarians the Boeotians and the Locrians as well as the Melians and the Thessalians and the Phocians’ thousand; for accordingly not all the Phocians jointly were medizing, but some of them were even increasing the ranks of the Greeks, as they were cooped up round Parnassus, and by setting off thence they were committing acts of carrying off and leading away against the host of Mardonius and them among the Greeks who were with him. Then he also posted the Macedonians and those settled round Thessaly opposite the Athenians.

Although those there are named the greatest of the nations of those posted by Mardonius, precisely which were most brought into the light and of most account, yet there were among them also men of other nations mixed up, of the Phrygians and of the Mysians as well as of the Thracians and of the Paeonians and of the rest, and among them also of the Ethiopians and of the Egyptians the Hermotybians and the Calasirians who are called knife-carriers, precisely who are, alone of the Egyptians, fit for battle. Those then, when he was still in Phalerum, he made step off from the ships for himself, since they were steppers on board; for the Egyptians were not drawn up into the foot that had come together with Xerxes to Athens. As indeed of the barbarians were thirty myriads, as also previously has been made clear, so of the Greek allies of Mardonius, although no one knows the number --for accordingly they were not numbered-- yet, to make a likely conjecture, that to the sum of five myriads they were gathered together I think likely. Those were the foot posted in line, and the horse was posted apart.

Then, when, after all, all had been posted by him, nation by nation and regiment by regiment, thereupon the next day they were sacrificing for their side, even both groups. For the Greeks, for their part, Teisamenus, Antiochus’ son, was the sacrificer for his side; for indeed that one followed that armed force as prophet, whom, being an Elean and of the family of the Iamidae, the Lacedaemonians had made a member of their own folk. For to Teisamenus, when he was seeking prophecy in Delphi about generation, Pythia answered that he would take up for himself the prize of the five greatest competitions. As he indeed, having missed the mark of the oracle, was attending to gymnastic contests, with the intention that he would take up for himself the prize for gymnastic competitions, so through practicing the pentathlon within one wrestling match he ran of winning a victory in the Olympics, when with Hieronymus the Andrian he had gone into dispute. Then the Lacedaemonians learned that the prophecy of Teisamenus was referring not to gymnastic but to martial competitions and by a fee were trying through persuasion to make for themselves Teisamenus together with the kings of the sons of Heracles leader of their wars, while he was seeing that the Spartiates were considering worth much to gain him over for themselves as a friend and, after having learned that, he was raising his price by indicating to them how, if him they made for themselves their fellow-citizen and gave a share of all, he would do that, but not for another fee. So the Spartiates first, having heard, were thinking it terrible and letting go of their request entirely, but finally, a great fear hanging over of that Persian armed force, they were recommending it and going their way in pursuit, but he, after having come to know that they had turned themselves, he asserted that not even thus any longer was he satisfied with that alone, but further his brother Hegies must be made a Spartiate on the condition of the same accounts as those on condition of which he himself also was being made.

So, in giving that account, that one was imitating Melampous, to compare them who were asking for themselves a kingdom and citizenship. For in fact indeed Melampous also, after the women in Argos had gone mad, when the Argians were attempting to hire him for themselves from Pylos to cause their women to cease from their illness, as a fee he stretched forth for himself half of the kingdom. So, after the Argians held not themselves up under it, but were going away, when more of their women were mad, thus indeed they stood under what Melampous had stretched forth for himself and went to give him that. Then he right thereupon reached for more, when he saw they had turned themselves, by asserting that, if in fact to his brother Bias they gave not as a share the third part of the kingdom, he would not do what they wanted, and the Argians, cooped away in a narrow spot, were recommending that also.

So, thus also the Spartiates, because they needed Teisamenus terribly, anyhow were agreeing to it. Then, the Spartiates having made that agreement also, thus indeed in prophesying for them the five greatest competitions did Teisamenus the Elean, after having become a Spartiate, join in utterly taking the prize for, and quite alone of all human beings those became fellow-citizens of the Spartiates. The five competitions, then, proved these: one and first that in Plataeae, on top of that the one that was held in Tegea against the Tegeans and the Argians, afterwards the one among the Dipaeans against all Arcadians except the Mantinians, on top of that the one with the Messenians near Ithome and last the one that was held in Tanagra against the Athenians and the Argians. That latter, then, was worked out as the last of the five competitions.

Indeed that Teisamenus that time for the Greeks at the leading of the Spartiates was prophesying in the land of Plataeae. Now, as for the Greeks the sacred offerings proved beautiful, when they were defending themselves, but, when they stepped across the Asopus and were attempting to begin battle, not, so for Mardonius, when he was eager to attempt to begin battle, the sacred offerings proved not suitable, but, when that one also was defending himself, beautiful. For in fact that one was making use of Greek sacred offerings and had as a prophet Hegesistratus, who was an Elean man and among the Telliadae one most to give account of, and it was he whom indeed before that the Spartiates had taken hold of and bound for death on the grounds that they had undergone many untoward sufferings through his agency. Then he, when he was held in that evil, seeing that he was running about his soul and before his death would undergo many painful sufferings, worked out a work greater than an account. For, when indeed he was bound in an iron-bound piece of wood, he gained mastery over an iron instrument that had been brought in somehow and immediately was contriving the manliest work of all that we know of; for, having computed how the part of his foot left would go out for him, he cut off his own flat. Then, after having done that, seeing that he was being guarded by guards, he dug through the wall and ran away to Tegea by making his passage the nights and sinking down into woods and taking up his quarters the days thus so as, although the Lacedaemonians with the whole people were searching, the third kindly time to come to be in Tegea and for them to be held in a state of marvel because of his daring, when they were seeing the cut half of his foot was lying and had not the power to find that one. As that time thus he fled from the Lacedaemonians and fled down to Tegea, so, after he had become healthy and made himself as an addition a wooden foot, he was established in a straight way warlike to the Lacedaemonians. However, not, at the end at least, him profited his hatred cemented to the Lacedaemonians; for he was captured while he was prophesying in Zacynthus by them and died.

Now, as the death of Hegesistratus happened later than the Plataean matters, so that time by the Asopus, hired by Mardonius not for little, he was sacrificing for his side and eager in accordance with his hatred of the Lacedaemonians and in accordance with his profit. Then, when the omens were not favorable so as to do battle for either the Persians themselves or them of the Greeks who were with them --for those by themselves also had a prophet, Hippomachus, a Leucadian man-- then, as the Greeks were flowing on and becoming more, Timegenides, Herpys’ son, a Theban man, counseled Mardonius to guard the passes out of Cithaeron by giving account how the Greeks were flowing on on each and every occasion on every day and how he would take away numerous.

The days, then, for them who were sitting down in opposition by then had come to eight, when that one gave that counsel to Mardonius, and he learned that the recommendation was good and, when it had become the kindly time, sent his horse to Cithaeron’s passes out that lead toward Plataeae, which the Boeotians call Three Heads and the Athenians Oak’s Heads.

The horsemen, then, sent, came not to no purpose; for they took hold of five hundred yoke-animals as they were throwing into the plain, who were bringing food from the Peloponnese to the army camp, and human beings who were following the carriages drawn by yoked beasts. So, having taken that catch, the Persians were slaying unsparingly, as they were not sparing either yoke-animal or human being. Then, when they were having enough of killing, they were driving those left among them, after having put themselves round them, to Mardonius’ side and into the army camp.

Then, after that work, another two days they spent, because neither wanted to begin battle; for, although up to the Asopus the barbarians went in opposition in making trial of the Greeks, yet neither would step across. However, the horse of Mardonius on each and every occasion was applying itself and paining the Greeks; for the Thebans, inasmuch as they were medizing greatly, eagerly were bearing the war and on each and every occasion leading the way down up to battle, and from that point on the Persians and the Medes, receiving the matter from that side, in their turn were they who were showing forth instances of virtue.

Now, though up to ten days nothing was being done over a larger extent than that, yet, when it had come to be the eleventh day for who were sitting down in opposition in Plataeae, the Greeks indeed had become more by far and Mardonius was incensed at the sitting; thereupon there came in speeches Mardonius, Gobryes’ son, and Artabazus, Pharnaces’ son, who was a man thought good at the king’s court like few of the Persians. So, when they were taking counsel, their judgements were these: the one of Artabazus, on the one hand, that they had to yoke again the quickest way the whole army and go to the wall of the Thebans, where much food was brought in for them and fodder for the yoke-animals, and, while they were being seated at ease, to bring things about for themselves and do this --for they had gold, much with an indication on it and much also lacking an indication, and much silver and vessels for drinking from-- without sparing any of that to send it in various directions to the Greeks and among the Greeks especially to them who stand foremost in the cities, and quickly they would give over their freedom, and not to run up the risk of giving battle-- that one’s, on the one hand, and the Thebans’ opinion was proving the same, on the grounds that that one also had an advantageous foreknowledge-- Mardonius’, on the other, more violent and more lacking judgement and in no way judging itself with help, namely, that they should think that their own host was stronger by far than the Greek and they should give battle the quickest way and not overlook there being gathered together still more than those who had been gathered together and the slain offerings of Hegesistratus they should allow to fare well and not force, but make use of the law of the Persians and give battle.

So, that one thinking it just thus, no one would give account in opposition, so that he was gaining mastery in his opinion; for the mastery over the host that one had from the king, but not Artabazus. Accordingly, having sent for the rulers of the posts of the regiments and those of the Greeks who were with him’s generals, he was asking whether they knew any prophetic account about the Persians how they would be destroyed in Greece. But, when those called in were silent, some because they knew not the oracles, some because, although they knew, yet they considered to give account not in lack of fear’s place, Mardonius himself at any rate was giving account, “Since then you either know nothing or dare not give account, well, I will speak on the grounds that I understand well. There is a prophetic account how the Persians, having come to Greece, must thoroughly seize the shrine in Delphi and after the thorough seizure perish all. We then with that understanding itself will neither go against that shrine nor put hand to thoroughly seize it, and because of that reason we will not perish. And so all of you who in fact are well-disposed to the Persians take pleasure so far as concerns this, how we will survive the Greeks”. Having said that to them, next he was indicating that they should prepare and make for themselves well-arranged all, on the grounds that together with the day that was going forth there would be a joining battle.

Now, I for my part know regarding that oracle that Mardonius said related to the Persians that concerning the Illyrians and the army of the Enchelians it was composed and not rather concerning the Persians. But this composition on its part by Bacis was composed concerning that battle:

…And by Thermodon and grass-bedded Asopus
Greeks’ going together and barbarophone cry,
Where many will fall beyond destiny and doom
Among bow-bearing Medes, when fated day goes forth.

That on its part and other compositions pretty near that of Mousaeus I know relate to the Persians. (The Thermodon river, then, flows between Tanagra and Glisas.)

Then after the questioning on about the oracles and the recommendation of Mardonius it was coming to be night and they were being posted for acts of guarding. So, when far in the night it had been driven forth, and quiet seemed to be throughout the army camps and the human beings to be most in a state of sleep, at that time drove by horse to the guards of the Athenians Alexander, Amyntes’ son, who was general and king of the Macedonians, and was seeking to come into speeches with the generals. So, of the guards, although the greater number were remaining by, yet some were running to the generals and, after having gone, were giving account how a human being had come on horse from the army camp of the Medes, who had laid bare no other saying, but named generals and asserted that he wished to come to speeches.

Then they, when they had heard that, immediately were following to the guards and, after their having come, Alexander was giving them this account: “Men of Athens, as a deposit for you these sayings I put down for myself and make them for myself not to be spoken, for you to give account before no one other than Pausanies, lest me in fact you destroy; for I would not give account, if I were not greatly caring about all Greek together jointly. For I myself am a Greek in birth anciently and would not be willing to see Greece instead of free enslaved. So I give account accordingly that of Mardonius and his host the slain offerings have not the power to prove according to the spirit --for otherwise you would have been battling from of old-- and now it has seemed good to him to allow the slain offerings to fare well and together with the day’s showing light through to engage in giving battle; for he is in a state of utter dread lest you be gathered together in greater numbers, as I think likely. Thereupon ready yourselves and, if, after all, Mardonius delays and engages not in giving battle, persevere in remaining; for for them for few days is left food. Then, if this war meets its end in accordance with your mind, everyone must remember in fact me about freedom, who for the Greeks’ sake have worked out so risky a work through the agency of eagerness, because I wished to make clear to you the thinking of Mardonius, that the barbarians might not fall upon you when you were not yet expecting it. I am, then, Alexander the Macedonian”. He, after having said that, was driving off back to the army camp and his post.

And the generals of the Athenians went to the right wing and were giving to Pausanies precisely the account that they had heard from Alexander, and he because of that account in utter dread of the Persians was giving this account: “Since then at dawn the giving battle is coming to be, as you the Athenians must stand opposite the Persians, so we must opposite the Boeotians and them among the Greeks posted opposite you, because of this: You understand the Medes and their way of battle, as you have battled them in Marathon, but we are without experience and without knowledge of those men; for none of the Spartiates has made trial of the Medes, but we are experienced with the Boeotians and the Thessalians. Well, after having taken up our gear, we must go, as you to this wing here, so we to that of good name”. Then thereupon the Athenians said this: “In fact of us ourselves of old from the beginning, when we had seen that the Persians were being posted opposite you, it has come to be in the mind to give precisely that speech that you in having acting first have brought forth, but we did not, because we were dreading lest our accounts prove not pleasant to you. Anyhow, since you yourselves have made mention, both your accounts have been given to us who take pleasure and we are ready to do that”.

So, since that was pleasing to both, dawn was bringing light through and they were altering their posts with one another. Then the Boeotians came to know what was being done and publicly spoke it out to Mardonius, and he, after he had heard, immediately, himself too, was trying to change and stand, by leading by, the Persians opposite the Lacedaemonians. So, when Pausanies had learned that that was being done like that, he, in the knowledge that he had not escaped notice, was leading back the Spartiates back toward the right wing, and in the same way Mardonius also his towards that of good name.

Then, when they had established themselves at their original posts, Mardonius sent a herald to the Spartiates and was giving this account: “O Lacedaemonians, you indeed are given the account of being the best men by the human beings here, as they wonder greatly at how you neither flee from war nor completely leave a post and by remaining either cause your opponents to perish or are caused yourselves to perish, but of that, after all, none is true, as none was all along; for before we joined battle and came to hands’ law, we saw that you were both lo! fleeing and completely leaving a station, as you were both in the Athenians’ spot making forth trial and yourselves being posted facing our slaves. Those in no way are good men’s works and rather quite the most in your case we were played false; for, as we were expecting in accordance with renown that indeed you would send to us a herald by way of calling forth and wanting to battle with the Persians alone, we were prepared to do and found that you were giving no account like that, but cowering rather. Accordingly now, since you have not begun that account, well, we will begin it. Why indeed do not we, on behalf of the Greeks you, since you have been reputed to be best, and on behalf of the barbarians we, equals against equals in number, battle? And if it is thought good also for the rest to battle, then let them accordingly battle later and, also if it should not be thought good, but for us alone to suffice, then let us battle to the end and, whichsoever of us prevails, those should for all their army camp jointly prevail”.

As that one, after having said that and held up a time, when him not anyone anything would answer, was departing back and, after having gone away, indicating to Mardonius what had befallen, so he, after having become overjoyed and elated by cold victory, let his horse go against the Greeks. Then, when his horsemen had driven in opposition, they were harming the whole Greek horse by throwing in spears and by shooting in arrows, seeing that they were bowmen on horses and difficult to advance toward, and the Gargaphian spring, from which was watered the whole Greek army camp, they stirred with disorder and heaped with earth. Now, as near the spring were the Lacedaemonians posted alone, so for the rest of the Greeks, although the spring was proving far, as each group in its own way in fact was posted, yet the Asopus was near, but, when they were being kept from the Asopus, thus indeed to the spring they were resorting; for from the river it was not permitted to them to carry for themselves water through the agency of the horsemen and arrows.

Then, that proving like that, the generals of the Greeks, inasmuch as the host was deprived of water and stirred by the horse, were gathered together about that matter itself and other ones, after having gone to Pausanies’ side to the right wing. For other matters, that being like that, were paining them more; for both they had food no longer and their attendants, after having been sent away to the Peloponnese, with the intention that they would get food, were shut off by the horse without having the power to come to the army camp.

Then, to the generals, when they were taking counsel for themselves, it seemed good, if the Persians delayed that day and engaged not in giving battle, to go to the island (now, that is from the Asopus and the Gargaphian spring, at which they were encamping as an army that time, ten stades distant, in front of the city of the Plataeans --and there would be an island thus on the mainland: a river, being split farther up, flows from Cithaeron down into the plain, while it keeps its streams apart from one another approximately three stades, and thereafter mixes together in the same spot-- and its name’s Oeroe and the natives give account that that is the daughter of Asopus). To that place indeed they took counsel for themselves to stand up and change their position, that both they might be able to make use of unbegrudged water and the horsemen might not harm them just as when persons are opposite; moreover, it was thought good to change and move themselves that time whenever in the night was the second guard, that not the Persians might see for themselves that they were setting off out and the horsemen follow and stir them. Then, when they had come to that place, and it was that which indeed the Asopian Oeroe splits itself round in its flowing from Cithaeron, under cover of that night it seemed good to dispatch off half of the army camp to Cithaeron, that they might take up their attendants who had gone for their food; for they were caught away on Cithaeron.

Having taken that counsel for themselves, although the whole of that day, the horse applying itself, they had unabating toil, yet, when the day was ceasing and the horsemen had stopped, it coming to be night indeed and it being the hour, and it was that at which indeed it was compacted by them to depart, thereupon the greater number, raised up, were departing without having in mind to the place to which it was compacted, but they, when they had been moved, were fleeing gladly the horse to the city of the Plataeans and, in fleeing, came to the temple of Hera (that, then, is in front of the city of the Plataeans, twenty stades from the Gargaphian spring distant). Then, having come, they put down for themselves in front of the shrine their gear.

In fact they were encamping as an army round the temple of Hera, and Pausanies, when he saw that they were departing from the army camp, was announcing out also to the Lacedaemonians that they should take up their gear and go after the rest who were going before in his belief that they were going to the place to which they had compacted for themselves. Thereupon, although the rest of the rulers of a post were prepared to obey Pausanies, yet Amompharetus, Poliades’ son, who was the company leader of the Pitanian company asserted that he would not flee the foreigners and not, as far as he was willing, shame Sparta, and he was marveling when he saw what was being done, inasmuch as he had not been present at the earlier account. Then Pausanies and Euryanax considered terrible that one’s not obeying them and more terrible still than that one’s being in that mind leaving out the Pitanian company, lest, if they left them out and did what they had compacted for themselves with the rest of the Greeks, there perish, left over, Amompharetus himself as well as those with him. With that reckoning, they were keeping motionless the Laconian army camp and trying to persuade him how he must not do that.

In fact they kept urging Amompharetus, the only one of the Lacedaemonians and the Tegeans left, and the Athenians were doing deeds like this: They were keeping themselves motionless where they were posted, because they knew the thoughts of the Lacedaemonians on the grounds that they had one thought and gave another account. Then, when the army camp had been moved, they were sending a horseman of theirs both to see whether the Spartiates put their hand to making their passage or they maybe in fact entirely had not a mind to depart and in order to ask in addition Pausanies what they had to do.

Then, when the herald had come to the Lacedaemonians, he saw that they were posted in place and there had come to quarrels the first among them. For, when indeed Euryanax and Pausanies were urging Amompharetus that they should not run a risk by remaining, alone of the Lacedaemonians, they then could not produce persuasion, until they had fallen together and come to quarrels and the herald of the Athenians was standing by them, after having come. Then Amompharetus, in quarrelling, took hold of a rock with both his hands and, putting it in front of the feet of Pausanies, with that as his voting-pebble he cast a voting-pebble he asserted not to flee the foreigners, and, while the other was calling that one mad and not in his understanding, the herald of the Athenians he was bidding ask on what had been enjoined and give account of their present matters and he was requesting of the Athenians to move their place to themselves and to do about the going off precisely what they also would.

In fact the other was departing to the Athenians, and, when dawn was overtaking them while they were arguing with themselves, Pausanies, after he had been sitting down during that time, because he thought Amompharetus would not be left when the rest of the Lacedaemonians were marching off, gave an indication and was leading off through the hills all those left, and the Tegeans also were following. Then the Athenians, posted, went in a way entirely other that in which the Lacedaemonians did; for the latter held themselves close to the banks and the foothills of Cithaeron in their fearing the horse, the Athenians, for their part, having turned themselves down into the plain.

Then, as Amompharetus, because he thought that Pausanies not at all to begin with at any rate would dare to leave them out, was clinging to their remaining in the very place and not leaving off their post, so, when those together with Pausanies were drawing ahead, in the firm belief that they were leaving him out with straightforward art, his company, after it had taken up its gear, he was leading by steps to the other rank. That, for its part, after having gone off approximately four stades, was awaiting the company of Amompharetus, as round the river Moloeis it was set up and a place called Argiopium, where also Eleusinian Demeter’s shrine sits, and awaiting it for this purpose, that, if there left not out of the place in which they had been stationed Amompharetus as well as his company, but remained on the very spot, it might come back to their side to the rescue. In fact, those round with Amompharetus were coming to be by their side and the horse of the barbarians was applying itself in its entirety; for the horsemen were doing the kind of act that in fact they were wont to do on each and every occasion, and they, after having seen the place empty in which the Greeks had been stationed the days earlier, were driving their horses on each and every occasion farther and, at the same time, at their having overtaken, applying themselves to them.

Then Mardonius, when he had learned that the Greeks had gone under cover of night, and seen the place empty, called the Lerisian Thorex and his brothers Eurypylus and Thrasydeius and was giving account, “O children of Aleues, still what account will you give on seeing these spots here empty? For you their neighbors were giving account that the Lacedaemonians would not flee from battle, but are men first in the things of war. They both previously were changing their position by standing away from the post, you saw, and now under cover of the night gone by, we all see also, have fled; in short, they have shown plainly, when they had against the unfalsely best of human beings by battle to be brought to a decision, that, after all, they, who are no ones, among the Greeks, who are nothings, are showing themselves forth, as all along they were. In fact to you, for your part, because you are without experience of the Persians, much pardon was being given, at least by me, because they were commending those, to whose credit you knew something, but of Artabazus I was marveling in fact more at the utter dread of the Lacedaemonians and in his utter dread at the showing forth for himself of a most cowardly opinion, that we had to reyoke the army camp and go to the town of the Thebans to conduct a besieging, which still from me the king will learn by inquiry. As in fact of that an account will be elsewhere, so now we must not allow those just mentioned to do that present act of theirs, but they must be pursued until they, overtaken, will pay us for all that indeed they did the Persians penalties”.

Having said that, he was leading the Persians with running, after they had stepped across the Asopus, after the Greeks’ track on the grounds that indeed they were racing away, and aiming at the Lacedaemonians and the Tegeans alone; for the Athenians, because they had turned themselves to the plain, through the agency of the banks he could not observe. Then, when the saw that the Persians were beginning to pursue the Greeks, the rulers left of the barbarian regiments immediately all raised their signals and were pursuing, as each of feet was, ordered with no either order or post. In fact, those with shouting and confusion were going in opposition with the intention that they would seize up the Greeks.

And Pausanies, when the horse was applying itself, sent to the Athenians a horseman and gave this account: “Men of Athens, although the greatest competition is put forth for Greece to be free or enslaved, we have been given over by the allies, we the Lacedaemonians and you the Athenians, because under cover of the night gone by they have raced away. Accordingly thereafter it has seemed good what has to be done by us, namely, to defend ourselves the way we can best and maintain each other. Now, if the horse had rushed to you, to begin with, we and those with us, the Tegeans, would indeed have had not to give over Greece and to come to your rescue, but, as it is, since it all jointly has moved its place to us, it is just for you, on your part, to that of the parts that is being most oppressed to go to succour. However, if, after all, yourselves any lack of power to come to the rescue has befallen, then for us by sending bowmen put down for yourselves a favor. We know to your credit, then, at the time of this present war that you are far the most eager so as in fact to hearken to that”.

When the Athenians had learned that by inquiry, they were minded to come to the rescue and render aid in battle in the highest degree, and to them, by then when they were marching, those of the Greeks who had come to be with the king posted against them were applying themselves so as in fact for them no longer to have the power to come to the rescue; for that which was applying itself in opposition was paining them. Thus indeed, having become alone, the Lacedaemonians and the Tegeans, who were, including the lightly armed, in number, the former, five times ten thousand and, the Tegean, thrice a thousand --for those not at all were being split away from the Lacedaemonians-- were slaughtering sacrifices with the intention that they would give battle to Mardonius and the host present. Because, in fact, the slaughtered sacrifices were not proving useful for them, there, then, were falling among them in that time many and more by far were being wounded; for, after having made a barricade of their wicker shields, the Persians were letting go many of the arrows unsparingly thus so as, the Spartiates being oppressed and their slaughtered sacrifices proving of no avail, for Pausanies to look away to the temple of Hera of the Plataeans and to call on the god for himself and request in no way for them to be played false in their hope.
 

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 Then, while that one was still engaged in that calling on, the Tegeans, having stood up and out first, were moving their place to the barbarians, and for the Lacedaemonians immediately after the prayer of Pausanies, while they were sacrificing for themselves, the slaughtered victims were proving useful. So, when they were proving at last in time of avail, those also were moving their place against the Persians, and, the Persians facing having let go of their bows, then there was being waged first round the wicker shields a battle and, when those had fallen, by then there was waged a violent battle alongside the temple of Demeter, and for much time, until they came to close struggling; for their lances the barbarians were taking hold of for themselves and snapping off. Now, although in courage and strength the Persians were not less, yet they, being without gear and, in addition, without understanding, were also not similar to their adversaries in wisdom; so in darting out in front, one by one, and in turning themselves, ten or more or less, together they were falling on the Spartiates and being destroyed.

Moreover, where Mardonius himself in fact was, who was battling from a white horse and had round himself picked men of the Persians, the best thousand, there, then, in fact to the highest degree their adversaries they oppressed. Now, although all the time that Mardonius was surviving, they, then, were holding out and, in defending themselves, throwing down many of the Lacedaemonians, yet, when Mardonius had died, and what had been posted round him, which was his strongest force, fallen, thus indeed the rest both turned themselves and yielded to the Lacedaemonians. For most them was their apparel harming, because it was bereft of gear; for against hoplites they, being lightly armed, were engaging in a competition.

Thereupon the penalty for the killing of Leonides in accordance with the oracle for the Spartiates by Mardonius was being brought to completion, and a victory was taking up for himself, the most beautiful of all jointly that we know of, Pausanies, Cleombrotus’ son, Anaxandrides’ son. And of the earlier forebears of him the names have been said until Leonides; for the same in fact were theirs. Mardonius, then, died through the agency of Arimnestus, a man in Sparta to give account of, who a time later after the affairs of the Medes with three hundred men gave battle in Stenyclerus, there being war with all Messenians, and he himself died as well as the three hundred.

Then in Plataeae the Persians, when they had turned themselves through the agency of the Lacedaemonians, were fleeing with no order to their army camp and to the wooden wall that they had made for themselves in the Theban portion. Now, it’s a marvel to me how, although alongside Demeter’s grove they were battling, not even one manifestly of the Persians either went into the sacred precinct or died inside --in short, round the shrine in the unhallowed ground they fell-- and, I think, if one has to think anything about the divine matters, the god herself would not receive them, because they burned down the house of the lords in Eleusis.

Now, that battle over that great an extent was waged, and Artabazus, Pharnaces’ son, immediately was not pleased originally when Mardonius was being left by the king and that time, although he was publicly speaking many prohibitions, could achieve nothing when he was not allowing giving battle, and he by himself performed deeds like these on the grounds that he was not pleased with the deed that was being performed by Mardonius: Those of whom he, Artabazus, was the general (and he had no little power but in fact to the sum of four myriads of human beings round himself), when giving battle was being engaged in, because he knew fully well what was to step forth from the battle, he was leading utterly readied, after he had announced out that all should go after the same fashion wherever he himself lead out however they saw he was in haste. Having announced that out, as for battle he was leading forsooth the army, and, when he was beginning to be forward in the way, he saw that even then the Persians were fleeing. Thus indeed no longer in the same order he was conducting his leading down; rather, the quickest way he was racing in his fleeing neither to the wooden wall nor to the Thebans’ wall, but to the Phocians, because he wished as quickly as possible to come to the Hellespont.

And lo!, although those that way turned themselves, yet, when the rest of the Greeks with the king were willingly bad, the Boeotians battled the Athenians for a long time; for those, who were medizing among the Thebans, had no little eagerness in battling and not being willingly bad thus that three hundred, the first and best, there fell through the agency of the Athenians, and, when those too had turned themselves, they were fleeing to Thebes, not precisely where the Persians and the whole crowd of the rest of the allies that had neither fought thoroughly anyone nor shown forth anything were fleeing.

In short, it makes clear to me that all the affairs of the barbarians depended on the Persians, if in fact that time before they even joined battle with the enemies they were fleeing, in that they were seeing that the Persians also were. And thus all were fleeing except the rest of the horse and the Boeotian, but that was performing that many benefits as follow in addition for those fleeing: It on each and every occasion towards the enemies was nearest and was keeping those friendly in their fleeing from the Greeks. Those prevailing indeed were following; they were pursuing and killing Xerxes’ men.

And in that fear that was coming about it was announced to the rest of the Greeks who were posted round the temple of Hera and had come to be absent from the battle, that a battle had been waged and those with Pausanies were the prevailing, and they, having heard that, posted in no order, some round with the Corinthians turned themselves through the foothills and the hills the way that leads up straight to the shrine of Demeter and some round with the Megarians and the Phleiasians through the plain over the smoothest of the ways. Then, when the Megarians and the Phleiasians were coming to be near the enemies, the horsemen of the Thebans caught sight from a distance of their hastening with no order and were driving against them their horses, the ruler of which horses was Asopodorus, Timandrus’ son, and, after they had fallen on them, they laid low six hundred of them, and those left they drove back in their pursuing to Cithaeron.

Those indeed perished in no account, and the Persians and the rest of the crowd, when they had fled down to the wooden wall, acted in anticipation by stepping up on the towers before the Lacedaemonians came and, after they had stepped up, they made a barricade for themselves, as best as they could, of the wall. Then, the Lacedaemonians having gone forward, there was established for them a fiercer battle at the wall; for, as long as the Athenians were absent, they, then, were defending themselves and had the advantage by far over the Lacedaemonians, seeing that they understood not how to battle at a wall, but, when the Athenians had gone forward to them, thus indeed there was being waged a violent battle at the wall and for much time. Then, finally, by virtue and perseverance the Athenians stepped upon the wall and reduced it to ruins, and it was there where indeed the Greeks were pouring themselves in. So, the Tegeans were the first to go into the wall, and of the tent of Mardonius those were the thorough seizers, of all else from it and the manger of the horses, as it was all bronze and worthy of beholding. Now, that manger of Mardonius’ the Tegeans dedicated in the temple of Alean Athena, and the rest into the same spot, precisely what they had taken hold of, they brought for the Greeks. Then the barbarians made for themselves no longer any rank, when the wall had fallen; both no one of them remembered valor and they were wandering distraught inasmuch as in a little place they were afraid and many myriads of human beings cooped up. In short, it was at hand for the Greeks to kill thus so as, of the thirty myriads of army that utterly lacked the four, having which Artabazus was fleeing, left, for not even three thousand to become survivors, while among the Lacedaemonians from Sparta there died in all in the giving battle one and ninety, among the Tegeans sixteen and among the Athenians two and fifty.

Now, there was best among the barbarians, as foot, that of the Persians, as horse, that of the Sacians and, as a man, it is given as an account, Mardonius, while among the Greeks, both the Tegeans and the Athenians having proven good, the Lacedaemonians excelled in virtue. Because of nothing else am I able to give out an indication for myself --for those, all jointly, over those opposite themselves were prevailing-- but in that with the most strength they were brought in opposition and over those they gained mastery. In fact, the best by a great deal proved Aristodemus in accordance with my judgements, who, from Thermopylae, alone of the three hundred, having been brought to safety, had reproach and dishonor. Then after that one the best were Poseidonius and Philocyon as well as Amompharetus, Spartiates. And yet a conversation having been had about who had proven best among them, those of the Spartiates who had come to be present came to the decision that Aristodemus, for his part, wanting visibly to die in consequence of the blame that was on hand for him, when he was raging and leaving his post out, had shown forth great works, and Poseidonius, for his, not wanting to die, proved a good man, that by that much that latter one was better. But that verily by envy in fact they might have spoken, as those whom I have set down an account of all, except Aristodemus, among those who had died in that battle proved honored, and Aristodemus, who wanted to die on account of the blame spoken of above, was not honored.

Those, for their part, proved the most named among those in Plataeae; for Callicles died outside of the battle, having gone to the army camp as the most beautiful man of the Greeks of that time, not only of the Lacedaemonians but also of the rest of the Greeks, who, when Pausanies was slaughtering sacrifices, while he was sitting down in his post, was wounded by an arrow in his sides. In fact lo!, as some were battling, so he, carried out, was dying reluctantly and giving account before Arimnestus, a man of Plataeae, that it was not a care to him that on behalf of Greece he was dying, but that he had not made use of his hand and that no work had been shown forth by him worthy of himself, although he was eager to show forth for himself.

Then among the Athenians there is given an account of being well thought of Sophanes, Eutychides’ son, from the deme of Decelee and of the Decelians who once worked a work useful for the whole of time, as the Athenians themselves give account. For, when indeed anciently for Helen’s conveying the Tydaridae had thrown into the land of Attica with an army’s multitude and were causing the demes to stand up from their places, since they knew not where Helen was put out secretly, that time they give account that the Decelians, and some that Decelus himself, because he was vexed by the insolence of Theseus and fearing about the whole country of the Athenians, after he had expounded to them the whole affair, led the way down to Aphidnae, and it was that place that indeed Titacus, who was autochonous, utterly gave over to the Tydaridae. So, to the Decelians in Sparta in consequence of that work freedom from tax and front seats continue to this moment on each and every occasion still to be thus so as in the war that was waged many years later than that between the Athenians and the Peloponessians, although the Lacedaemonians were harming the rest of Attica, for them to keep themselves away from Decelee.

Sophanes, being of that deme and having been the best that time of the Athenians, has two kinds of accounts as accounts given, one that from the belt of his breastplate he was wearing an iron anchor bound with a bronze chain, which, whenever he drew near in his coming to his enemies, he threw, that indeed him his enemies, when they were falling out from their post, might not have the power to move and change the position of. Moreover, when a flight of his adversaries was being taken, it was thought good to take up his anchor and thus to give pursuit. That account, for its part, is given thus, while the other of the accounts, as one disputing the account previously given, as an account is given, that on a shield that on each and every occasion was running round and in no way motionless he was wearing an anchor and not an iron one bound to his breastplate.

There was also another brilliant work worked out by Sophanes, when, the Athenians sitting down round Aegina, Eurybates the Argian, a man victorious in the pentathlon, on the basis of a calling forth he killed. Then Sophanes himself a time later than that there befell after he had proven a good man, while he was general of the Athenians together with Leagrus, Glaucon’s son, to die through the agency of the Edonians in Datos as he was battling about the gold mines.

So, when by the Greeks in Plataeae the barbarians had been laid low, thereupon up to them a woman went, a deserter, who, after she had learned that the Persians had perished and the Greeks were prevailing, being the concubine of Pharandates, Teaspis’ son, a Persian man, when she had adorned herself with much gold, both she herself and her waiting-women, and with the most beautiful apparel of that which was present, stepped out of her covered chariot and was moving her place to the Lacedaemonians, while they were still amidst the results of their killing and, seeing that Pausanies was managing all that there, as she completely knew previously his name and his fatherland since she had heard them many times, she recognized Pausanies and she took hold for herself of his knees and was giving this account: “O king of Sparta, deliver me your suppliant from a slavery taken by spear; for you in fact hitherto helped me by causing these here to perish who for neither divinities nor gods had respect. Now, I am in birth a Coan and the daughter of Hegetorides, Antagores’ son, and with violence me the Persian took from Cos”. Then he replied with this: “Woman, take courage both as a suppliant and if indeed in addition to that you in fact give a true account and are the daughter of Hegetorides the Coan, who in fact is a foreign friend of mine in the highest degree of those who have settlements round those places”. Having said that, as that time he entrusted her to those of the ephors who were present, so later he sent her away to Aegina, to which she herself wished to go.

Then after the coming of the woman, immediately after that, came Mantinians after things had been worked out and, when they had learned that they were arrived later than the giving battle, they thought it a great misfortune and asserted that they were worthy of punishing. Then, having learned by inquiry that the Medes with Artabazus were fleeing, they were pursuing those up to Thessaly, while the Lacedaemonians were trying to allow no pursuing them in their fleeing, and they, after they had moved their place back to their own land, pursued the leaders of their host out of the land. Then after the Mantinians were arrived the Eleans, and the Eleans in the same way as the Mantinians considered it a misfortune and were departing, and, after they had gone away, those also pursued their leaders. The matters concerning the Mantinians and the Eleans were that great.

And in Plataeae in the army camp of the Aeginetians was Lampon, Pythees’ son, being the first of the Aeginetians, who had the unholiest account and was rushing toward Pausanies and, after he had come, with haste he was giving this account: “O child of Cleombrotus, a work has been worked out by you grown high above in magnitude and beauty, to you a god has given over to deliver Greece and put down the greatest renown for yourself among the Greeks that we know of. Then also perform you the deeds left on top of that, that an account may have you still greater and everyone later among the barbarians guard themselves from making a beginning of performing untoward works against the Greeks. For, when Leonides had died in Thermopylae, Mardonius and Xerxes cut off and impaled his head, of which if you give back the like, you will have commendation first through the agency of all Spartiates and afterwards also at the hands of the rest of the Greeks; for, having impaled Mardonius, you will have taken yourself vengeance for your father’s brother Leonides”. The one, thinking that he was producing gratification, was giving this account, but the other replied in opposition with this: “O Aeginetian stranger, although your being well disposed and seeing ahead I admire, however, you have missed the mark of useful judgement; for, after you have raised me on high as well as my fatherland and my work, to nothing have you performed a casting down by recommending maltreating a corpse, and if I do that, by asserting that I will be spoken of better; that befits the barbarians to do more precisely than the Greeks, and against those also we bear a grudge. However, may I, so far as concerns that, find favor with neither the Aeginetians nor them to whom that is pleasing, but it suffices me, being pleasing to the Spartiates, to perform holy deeds and also to give holy accounts. So, for Leonides, for whom you bid me take vengeance, I assert that I have taken myself vengeance greatly; by the numberless souls of these here he himself is honored as well as the rest who met their end in Thermopylae. You, however, longer, while you have an account like this present one, neither go forward nor give counsel, to me at least, and know gratitude that you are without suffering”.

The one, having heard that, was departing, and Pausanies, having had made a heralding that no one should touch the spoils, was bidding the helots convey together the riches. Then they throughout the army camp were being scattered and finding tents adorned with gold and silver, recliners overlaid with gold and overlaid with silver and bowls of gold as well as libation saucers and other vessels to drink from; they were both finding sacks on carts, in which cauldrons manifestly were, gold and silver, and stripping from the lying corpses bangles and torques as well as the Persian swords, because they were gold, since of embroidered apparel, at any rate, not even one account was being made. Thereupon many things the helots were stealing and selling to the Aeginetians and many also they were showing forth, all of them that it was not possible to steal. And so the Aeginetians’ great amounts of wealth, to begin with, thence became, who the gold, inasmuch as it was bronze forsooth, from the helots were buying.

Then, having brought together the wealth, and a tithe having taken out for the god in Delphi, from which the golden tripod was dedicated that stands near the three-headed bronze snake nearest the altar, and having taken out for the god in Olympia, from which a bronze Zeus of ten cubits they dedicated, and for the god in the Isthmus, from which a bronze Poseidon of seven cubits was completely made, that having taken out, they were distributing among themselves the things left and each group took hold of that of which they were worthy, both the concubines of the Persians and the gold and the silver as well as other wealth and yoke-animals. Now, although of all the perquisites that to those who were best among them in Plataeae were given an account is given by none, yet I for my part think that in fact to those they were given. Moreover, ten of all were taken out and given to Pausanies: women, horses, talents, camels, and in the same way also the rest of the wealth.

Further, an account is given that this also happened, how Xerxes in his fleeing from Greece for Mardonius left behind his furniture, and that Pausanies accordingly, when he was seeing the furniture of Mardonius furnished with gold and silver and embroidered things for spreading in front, bade the bakers and the chefs after the same fashion as Mardonius’ prepare a dinner. Then, when those, being bidden, were doing that, thereupon Pausanies, when he had seen both recliners of gold and of silver strewn well and tables of gold and of silver as well as the dinner’s magnificent preparation, completely struck at the good things put forth, bade for a laugh his own servants prepare a Laconian dinner and, when, the banquet made, the difference was large, Pausanies with a laugh sent for the generals of the Greeks and, after they had gone together, Pausanies said, as he was pointing to each preparation of the dinner, “Men of Greece, for this purpose I brought you together, because I wanted to show you the lack of thinking of the Mede, who, although he had a diet like this, went to us, although we had one thus sorry, to perform a taking away for himself”. That Pausanies, an account is given, said to the generals of the Greeks.

However, a time later, after that, also numerous of the Plataeans found chests of gold and of silver as well as of the rest of the riches. Moreover, there appeared also this still later that that: The corpses bared of their fleshes all round, since the Plataeans were bringing together the bones into one place, there was found a head that had no suture but was made of one bone, and there appeared also a jaw and the upper part of the jaw that had teeth grown as one piece, all made out of one bone, the teeth and molars, and bones of a man of five cubits appeared.

The next day Mardonius’ corpse was made to disappear; although by whom among human beings I am not able to make an exact statement, yet by now many ones from all places I have heard buried Mardonius, and great gifts I know many took hold of from Artontes, the child of Mardonius, on account of that work. However, who of them was the one who took up for himself and buried the corpse of Mardonius, I have not the power to learn by inquiry exactly. Further, Dionysophanes, an man from Ephesus, also has a report that he buried Mardonius.

Well, as he was buried in a manner, so the Greeks, when in Plataeae they had distributed among themselves the spoils, were burying their own, each group separately. The Lacedaemonians, for their part, made themselves three tombs: There, in the first instance, they buried the cadets, among whom were both Poseidonius and Amompharetus as well as Philocyon and Callicrates. In one of the tombs indeed, in the first instance, were the cadets, and in the other the rest of the Spartiates, and in the third the helots. Those, for their part, were performing burial thus, and the Tegeans, for theirs, were separately of all gathered together, and the Athenians were of their own in a like place, and the Megarians and the Phleiasians were of those destroyed by the horse. Of all those indeed the burial places proved full, but regarding the burial places of all the rest which also manifestly are in Plataeae, those then, as I have learned by inquiry, because they were ashamed of their being absent from the battle, each group, heaped empty mounds for the human beings born afterwards’ sake, since in fact of the Aeginetians there is at the very spot a so-called tomb that I have heard in fact ten years later, after that, at the requesting of the Aeginetians there heaped up Cleades, Autodicus’ son, a Plataean man, because he was their public host.

Then, when, after all, the Greeks had buried their corpses in Plataeae, immediately to them, when they were taking counsel for themselves, it seemed good to advance with an army against Thebes and ask for those of them who had medized and, among the first of them, Timegenides and Attaginus, who were the beginning leaders with the first, and, if they gave them forth not, to not stand up away from the city before they should completely take it. So, when that had seemed good to them, thus indeed the eleventh day after their giving battle they came and were besieging the Thebans, while they kept on bidding give the men forth, but, the Thebans not wanting to perform the giving forth, their land they were cutting and they were making an attack against the wall.

In fact, because they would not cease doing harm, the twentieth day Timegenides gave this account to the Thebans: “Men of Thebes, since thus it has seemed good to the Greeks, not to stand up away in their besieging before they should completely take Thebes or you should give us over to them, accordingly, now because of us let not the land of Boeotia fill up with more, but, if, because they lack wealth, as a pretext they ask for themselves us, let us give them wealth from the common store --for with the common store in fact we medized, and not we alone-- but, if, because they are requesting us truly, they are conducting the siege, we will furnish ourselves for giving account in opposition”. Both he seemed to give account very well and at the right time and the Thebans immediately were sending a message through a herald for themselves to Pausanies, because they were willing to give forth the men.

Then, when they had given similar account on those conditions, although Attaginus ran away from the town, yet his children, when they had been brought away, Pausanies released from the blame and was asserting that of medizing the children were not at all sharers of the blame. But all the rest of the men that the Thebans had given forth, although they thought that they would get an opportunity for giving account in opposition and lo! by wealth they had faith they would perform a thrusting aside, yet he, when he had taken them over, with that very suspicion the whole army of the allies jointly he let go and those he brought to Corinth and was destroying. That was what happened in Plataeae and Thebes.

And Artabazus, Pharnaces’ son, in fleeing from Plataeae even then was coming to be far off. Then, when he had come, the Thessalians were calling him to entertainments for foreign friends and asking continually about the rest of the host, as they knew nothing of what had happened in Plataeae. But Artabazus in the knowledge that, if he was willing to speak to them the whole truth of the competitions, he himself would run a risk as well as the army with him --for he thought everyone would apply themselves to him when they were learning by inquiry what had happened-- with the full taking of that into account he both would not publicly speak out anything to the Phocians and was giving this account to the Thessalians: “I, for my part, o men of Thessaly, as you see, hasten the quickest way to drive to Thrace and have eagerness, as I have been sent for a matter from the army camp with these here, and Mardonius himself, let me tell you, for his, as well as that army of his, as he is driving at my feet, is expected. That one both feast as a foreign friend and treat well manifestly; for you to do that at a time it will not repent”. Then, having said that, he was driving away with haste his host through Thessaly and Macedonia straight to Thrace, on the grounds that truly he was hastening and cutting through the inland country on his way. In fact, he came to Byzantium, after he had left over numerous among his army, because they had been chopped up by the Thracians and had come to grips with famine and fatigue. Then from Byzantium he stepped across by boats.

That one thus returned back to Asia, and within precisely the same day, within which the blow was struck in Plataeae, it happened one was struck also in Mycale in Ionia. For, when indeed in Delos the Greeks were sitting down who had come in their ships together with Leutychides the Lacedaemonian, went to them messengers from Samos, Lampon, Thrasycles’ son and Athenagores, Archestratides’ son, as well as Hegesistratus, Aristagores’ son, sent by the Samians without the notice of the Persians and the tyrant Theomestor, the son of Androdamas, whom the Persians had established as tyrant of Samos. Then, when they had gone before the generals, Hegesistratus was giving many accounts of all kinds, how, if only the Ionians saw them for themselves, they would stand away from the Persians, and how the barbarians would not wait round, and, if in fact, after all, they waited round, they would find no other catch like that; in short, calling on common gods, he was trying to turn them forth to deliver Greek men from slavery and to keep the barbarian away. Moreover, he was asserting that easy for them was that’s being done --for their ships were sailing badly and were not worthy of battle with theirs-- and they themselves, if they had any suspicion that with treachery they were leading them forth, were ready to be led in their ships and be hostages.

So, when the Samian foreigner was mighty in his beseeching, Leutychides asked, because either he wished to learn by inquiry for an omen’s sake or maybe a god was acting by coincidence, “O foreigner of Samos, what’s your name?”, and he said, “Hegesistratus”. Then the other interrupted the account left over, if Hegesistratus was minded to give any account, and said, “I receive the bird of augury, o foreigner of Samos, and, you, for us bring about how you yourself with the giving of a pledge will sail away, as well as these who are with you, that yea verily the Samians will be eager allies of ours”.

At the same time he was saying that publicly and bringing forward the work; for immediately the Samians were engaging in a pledge and oaths about alliance with the Greeks. Then, as, having done that, they were sailing away --for with them he was bidding Hegesistratus sail, as he was considering his name as a bird of augury-- so the Greeks, having held up that day, the day later were seeking omens, there prophesying for them Deiphonus, Euenius’ son, an Apollonian man and of the Apollonia in the Ionian gulf, whose father befell a matter like this: There are in that Apollonia cattle sacred to the sun, which the days graze alongside the river that from Lacmon, a mountain, flows through the Apollonian country to the sea alongside the Orician harbor, and the nights chosen men, those most to be thought well of for wealth and birth among their townspeople, guard, each a year; for the Apollonians consider worth quite much those cattle in consequence of a message sent by a god, and in a cave they have their quarters far from the city. Right there that time that Euenius, chosen, was guarding. In fact, on one occasion, when he had gone to sleep on his guard, wolves went by into the cave and destroyed about sixty of the cattle. Then he, when he had perceived it, was silent and pointing it out to no one, because he had in mind that he would establish others in their place, after he had purchased them. Since, in fact, that’s happening had not escaped the notice of the Apollonians, when, rather, they had learned by inquiry, they brought him before the place of judgement and made a determination against him, on the grounds that he had gone to sleep on his guard, that he should be deprived of his vision. But, when they had completely blinded Euenius, immediately after that, would neither cattle bring forth nor earth bear for them alike, and there was coming to be prophesied for them in Dodona and in Delphi, when they were asking about the cause of their present evil, that unjustly the guard of the sacred cattle Euenius of his vision did they deprive, as they themselves had set the wolves on, and would not cease taking vengeance for that one before they paid those penalties for what they had done whichever he himself chose and thought just, and, that being completed, they themselves would give Euenius a gift like that which many among human beings would think him blessed in its having.

Although that oracle to them as an oracle had been given, yet the Apollonians made it for themselves not to be spoken and put forth to men among their townspeople to thoroughly see to the matter. Then they for them thoroughly saw to the matter thus: When Euenius was sitting down on a chair, they, having gone, were sitting by him and engaging in other accounts until they came down to join him in being pained by his suffering. Then, by in that way leading him on gradually, they were asking which penalty he would choose, if the Apollonians should be willing to undertake to pay penalties for what they had done, and he, not having heard the message from the god, chose by saying, if anyone should give him fields of his townspeople (and he named them whose he knew were the two most beautiful plots of those in Apollonia) and housing in addition to that that he knew was the most beautiful of that in the city-- then, of that, he asserted, should he come to be in possession, the time left he would be without wrath, and that as a penalty sufficed him in its becoming his. As, in fact, he was giving this account, so those sitting by said in reply, “Euenius, that as a penalty the Apollonians for your complete blinding pay out to you in accordance with the messages from the god that have been given”. Although he indeed thereupon was thinking it terrible, after he had learned by inquiry every account thence, on the grounds that he had been completely deceived, yet they purchased from their possessors and gave him what he had chosen, and after that immediately he had innate prophesy so as in fact to become named.

Deiphonus, being the child of that Euenius indeed, at the Corinthian’s leading, was prophesying for the host. But by now also this have I heard, that Deiphonus, taking his stand on the name of Euenius, was taking up works over the whole extent of Greece, though he was not Euenius’ child.
 

Installment 48            
 Then, when the omens had been favorable for the Greeks, they were bringing up their ships from Delos to Samos and, after they had come to be in the Samian land off Calamoe, as they brought themselves to anchor at the very spot off the temple of Hera there and were preparing themselves for a naval battle, so the Persians, having learned by inquiry that they were sailing forth, themselves also were bringing up to the mainland the rest of the ships, but those of the Phoenicians they let go to sail away. For to them, when they were taking counsel for themselves, it seemed good not to engage in a naval battle; for accordingly they thought that they were not similar, and they were sailing away to the mainland that they might be under the cover of their foot army that was in Mycale, which, at the bidding of Xerxes, left behind the rest of the army, was guarding Ionia. Its multitude was six myriads, and the general of it was Tigranes, who in beauty and height was excelling the Persians. Under cover of that army indeed having fled down, the generals of the naval force took counsel for themselves to draw up their ships and put round themselves a fence, a protection for their ships and for themselves a refuge.

Having taken that counsel for themselves, they were bringing themselves up. Then, after having come to the shrine of the Potnians in Mycale into Gaeson and Scolopoeis, where’s Eleusinian Demeter’s shrine that Philistus, Pasiclees’ son, had set up when he had followed Neileos, Codrus’ son, up for Miletus’ founding, thereupon they drew up their ships and they put round themselves a fence of both stones and pieces of wood, when they had chopped down cultivated trees, and fixed spikes down round the fence. In fact they had prepared themselves with the intention that they would be besieged and with the intention that they would prevail; for they were taking account of both ends and preparing themselves.

Then the Greeks, when they had learned by inquiry that the barbarians were gone to the mainland, were vexed on the grounds they had fled off and held in the grip of a difficulty about what they should do, whether depart back or sail down toward the Hellespont. Then, finally, it was thought good to do neither one of those things, but sail against the mainland. Accordingly, having prepared themselves for a naval battle ladders for stepping offboard and all else of which there was need, they were sailing toward Mycale. So, when they were coming to be near the army camp and no one manifestly was bringing themselves up against them, but they were seeing that ships were drawn up within the wall and much foot separated out in a line along the beach, thereupon in the first place in a ship was sailing by, after he had come near in the highest degree to dashing against the beach, Leutychides and by herald he was publicly speaking forth to the Ionians and giving account, “Men of Ionia, all of you who in fact overhear, learn what account I give; for the Persians will comprehend absolutely nothing of what I am enjoining on you. Whenever we join battle, everyone must remember freedom of all things first and afterwards the compacted sign of Hera. In fact, let him know this also whoever of you overhears not from the direction of whoever overhears”. Now, that same intention was in fact the matter’s as that of Themistoclees on Artemisium; for the utterances were either, having escaped the barbarians’ notice, to persuade the Ionians or thereafter, having been brought back to the barbarians, to make them mistrustful of the Greeks.

Then, when Leutychides made that suggestion for himself, right next the Greeks were doing this: they put in their ships and stepped off onto the beach. As in fact those were being posted, so the Persians, when they had seen that the Greeks were preparing themselves for battle and had made the Ionians recommendation, on the one hand, they suspected that the Samians had the thoughts of the Greeks and took away for themselves their gear --for, accordingly, the Samians, after the Athenians taken by the spear had come in the ships of the barbarians, of whom, as they had been left, throughout the land of Attica Xerxes’ men had taken hold, had those all released with their own resources and sent them away, when they had supplied them for the way, because of which they got suspicion not the least, as they had five hundred heads among the enemies of Xerxes released with their own resources-- and, on the other hand, the ways through that lead to the peaks of Mycale they assigned to the Milesians to guard on the grounds that they understood forsooth the country most, whereas they were doing the thing for that following purpose, that they might be outside of the army camp. As against those of the Ionians, in respect to whom in fact they firmly believed they would perform some new deed, should they take hold on power for themselves, in manners like those the Persians were guarding themselves, so they themselves brought together their wicker shields to be a fence for them.

Then, when, after all, preparations had been made by the Greeks, they went forth to the barbarians, and, as they were going, for them a rumor flew into their whole army camp and a herald’s wand manifestly was lying on the place where the billows break, and the rumor went through to them this way, that the Greeks had prevailed over the host of Mardonius when they were battling among the Boeotians. Quite clear by many pieces of evidence are the divine aspects of the affairs, if in fact that time the same day which fell out coincidentally for the blow in Plataeae and the one that was to be in Mycale the rumor came to the Greeks there so as for the host to take courage far more and to be willing more eagerly to run a risk.

Also, this other matter fell out coincidentally to have come about, that sacred precincts of Eleusinian Demeter were alongside both givings of battle; for in fact indeed in the Plataean land alongside the temple of Demeter itself there was waged, as also previously has been said by me, the battle, and in Mycale one was in the same way to be. Moreover, the rumor that there had come about a victory of the Greeks with Pausanies correctly for them went together with event in its going; for, as the matter in Plataeae happened still early in the day, so that in Mycale did round afternoon. Further, that the same day went together the happening and the same month, not much time later for them, when they were acquiring learning thoroughly, was proving clear. Now, there was dread for them before the rumor came in, nothing about themselves so much as about the Greeks, lest Greece stumble round him. However, when that report had flown to them, somewhat more and more quickly they were engaging in their going forth. Indeed the Greeks, for their part, and the barbarians were urgent to the battle, as for them both the islands and the Hellespont were put forth as prizes.

Now, for the Athenians and those posted adjacent to them somewhere up to the middle parts the way was proving down through beach and flat place, while for the Lacedaemonians and those posted next to them it was down through gully and mountains, and, while those latter still were going round, those in the other wing even then were battling. Now, although, as long as the wicker shields of the Persians were upright, they were defending themselves and had no disadvantage in the battle, yet, when the Athenians and those adjacent’s army, that the work might be theirs and not the Lacedaemonians’, after having issued biddings to one another, were setting to work more eagerly, thereafter by then the matter was made of another kind; for those, after having thrust themselves the wicker shields aside, were charging and gathered together fell on the Persians, and they, after having received them and much time defending themselves, finally were fleeing to the wall. Then the Athenians as well as the Corinthians and the Sicyonians and the Troezenians --for thus they were posted next-- joined in following in, joined in falling into the wall and, when in fact the wall had been taken, both the barbarians no longer turned themselves to valor and the rest except the Persians were setting off to flight. So, those, coming to be a few at a time, were battling those who on each and every occasion into the wall were falling among the Greeks. In fact, of the Persian generals two fled away and two met their end: Artayntes and Ithamitres, who were generals of the naval force, fled away and Mardontes and the general of the foot Tigranes, battling, met their end.

Then, while the Persians were still battling, came the Lacedaemonians and those with them and they were joined in thoroughly handling the matters left. So, there fell in fact of the Greeks themselves numerous there, others and Sicyonians and their general Perileos. Moreover, those of the Samians that were advancing with the army, who were in the army camp of the Medes and had been taken away from their gear, at the beginning as soon as they had seen that the battle was proving to the advantage of the other side, were performing all the work that they could, because they wished to provide benefit to the Greeks. Then, the rest of the Ionians, when they had seen that the Samians had made a beginning, thus indeed they themselves also stood up from the Persians and applied themselves to the barbarians.

So, although to the Milesians it had been assigned by the Persians to watch the ways through for the purpose of their bringing to safety, that, if, after all, there befell them precisely the kind of thing that did befall, they might have leaders and be brought to safety to the peaks of Mycale, now, although the Milesians had been posted for that matter for that purpose and that they might not be present in the army camp and do anything new, yet they were doing everything contrary to what had been assigned by leading them down other ways in their flight, and they were those that indeed were leading to the enemies, and finally they themselves were proving for them the most hostile killers. Thus indeed for the second time Ionia stood away from the Persians.

Now, in that battle among the Greeks the best were the Athenians and among the Athenians Hermolucus, Euthoenus’ son, a man who had practiced the pancration, and that Hermolucus there befell later than that, when there was war between the Athenians and the Carystians, to die in battle in Cyrnus in the Carystian country and lie on Geraestus. Then after the Athenians the Corinthians and the Troezenians and the Sicyonians were the best.

Now, after the Greeks had worked on the many mortally, some, while they were battling, some also, while they were fleeing, among the barbarians, they burned down their ships and their whole wall jointly, when they had brought out and forth the spoils to the beach, and they found some treasuries of riches; then, having burned the wall and the ships, they were sailing off. So, when they had come to Samos, the Greeks were taking counsel about standing up away those in Ionia and where in Greece they had to put down houses for them, of what they themselves were in possession of mastery, but that Ionia they should let go away to the barbarians; for it was appearing to them to be impossible for themselves to sit down before the Ionians and keep guard the whole of time, and, if they themselves sat not down before them, they had no hope that the Ionians with impunity on the part of the Persians would get off. Thereupon, although among the Peloponessians to those who were in charge it seemed good to make the marts of the Greek nations who had medized stand up and out and give the country to the Ionians to have houses in, yet to the Athenians it seemed good, to begin with, for Ionia not to become stood up away from and the Peloponnesians not to take counsel about their colonies. So, when those kept stretching forth in opposition eagerly, the Peloponnesians yielded. In fact, thus indeed the Samians and the Chians as well as the Lesbians and the rest of the islanders, who in fact joined the Greeks in advancing with the army, they made for themselves into their allied force by taking them utterly by pledge and oaths that they would remain in their word and not stand away. Then, having taken them utterly by oaths, they were sailing to break the bridges; for they thought that they were would find them still stretched tight.

As those indeed were sailing toward the Hellespont, so of the barbarians who had fled and on the tops of Mycale had been cooped up, who were not many, was being performed a conveying to Sardis. Then, while they were making their passage on the way, Masistes, Darius’ son, who had in fact been present at the suffering that had come about, was giving many bad accounts against the general Artayntes by asserting other things and that he was worse than a woman in having performed an office of general like that previous. Now, among the Persians to be spoken of as worse than a woman is the greatest reproach. So, when he had heard it many times, he thought it terrible and drew for himself against Masistes his short sword, because he wanted to kill him, and, as was running forward, Xeinagores, Prexileos’ son, an man of Halicarnassus, after he had pointed him out to himself, who was standing behind Artayntes himself, seized the middle of him, and raised up and smote him to the ground. And in that time the lance-bearers of Masistes stood in front of him. Xeinagores, then, worked that out by way of putting down for himself favors with Masistes himself and Xerxes, because he had completely brought to safety his brother, and on account of that work Xeinagores got the rule of all Cilicia at the giving of the king. Now, while those were making their passage on the way, nothing any longer more than that happened, but they came to Sardis, and in Sardis the king in fact had been from that time when from Athens, after having stumbled in the naval battle, he had fled and come.

That time indeed, while he was in Sardis, he was in love with the woman of Masistes, and that while she was there. So, when, in respect to him, while he kept sending messages forth, she had the power not to be worked on utterly, and he would not bring violence forth out of respect for his brother Masistes, and the same thing was holding for his woman also --for she well knew that she would not obtain violence, thereupon indeed Xerxes, keeping himself from all else, was bringing about that following marriage for his son Darius, of the daughter of that woman and Masistes, because he thought that he would take hold of her more, if he did that. So, having betrothed and performed the deeds that were used according to law, he was driving off to Susa. Then, when he had come thither and brought for himself into his own place for Darius, thus indeed, as he ceased for himself from the woman of Masistes, so he, after having changed himself, was in love and obtaining the woman of Darius, Masistes’ daughter, and that woman’s name was Artaynte.

So, time going forth, it become thoroughly known by inquiry in a manner like this: Amestris, Xerxes’ woman, completely wove a robe, large and embroidered as well as worth beholding, and gave it to Xerxes, and he, having taken pleasure in, cast it round himself and went to Artaynte’s side. Then, having taken pleasure in that one also, he bade her ask for whatever she wanted to become hers in return for services rendered him; for she would obtain, if she asked. So, because for it had to come out badly for her with her whole house, thereupon she said to Xerxes, “Will you give me whatever I ask from you?”, and he, thinking that she would ask for herself anything rather, promised and swore. Then she, when he had sworn without fear, asked for the robe, and Xerxes was coming to be of every kind, because he wanted not to make the gift in accordance with nothing else, but out of fear of Amestris, lest by her who even previously was guessing what was being done he be found out to be doing thus, and rather he was offering cities and abundant gold as well as an army, which no one was to rule other than that that one --and the army’s a very Persian gift. Yet, since he could not produce persuasion, he gave the robe, and she, who was greatly rejoicing at the gift, was wearing and glorying in it.

In fact, Amestris did learn by inquiry that she had it and, after she had learned what was being done, although at that woman she had no indignation, yet she, on the supposition that her mother was the cause and that that one had brought about, was taking counsel for the perishing of the woman of Masistes. So, having kept guard for her man Xerxes’ putting forth the royal dinner --and that dinner is prepared once in the year on the day on which the king was born and that dinner’s name’s in Persian Tycta and in accordance with the Greeks’ tongue Teleion; that time the king both alone soaps his head and makes gifts to the Persians-- for that day indeed having kept guard, Amestris requested from Xerxes that there be given her the woman of Masistes. But he was considering terrible and untoward, on the one hand, to give her over, as she was his brother’s woman, and, on the other, not cause of that affair; for he put together for what’s sake she was asking.

However, finally, when that one was persevering and by the law he was constrained, in that for the requester to not receive is not in one’s power for them, when the royal dinner is being put forth, quite very unwillingly he nodded assent and, after having performed the giving over, acted this way: as her he bade do what she wanted, so he sent for his brother and gave this account: “Masistes, you are Darius’ son and my brother and further, in addition to that, you are also a good man. With that woman with whom you now share your house stop sharing your house and, rather, to you instead of her I offer my daughter. With that one share your house and whom you now have, because it seems not good to me, stop having as your woman”. Then Masistes marvelled at the account that was given and gave this account: “O master, what useless account as an account to me have you given in having bidden me my woman, from whom to me are children, young men and daughters, one of whom in fact you have brought for yourself for your own child as a woman --and she herself in fact is very much in accordance with my mind-- that one you have bidden me let go and your daughter marry? I, then, king, although I consider it great to be thought worthy of your daughter, yet will do neither of those things of yours, and in no way be you violent in your asking for a matter like this, but, as for your daughter another man will appear nothing less than me, so allow me with my woman to share my house”. The one indeed with a thing like that replied and Xerxes in a spirit of anger gave this account: “Thus by you, Masistes, has been done: Namely, neither to you would I give any longer my daughter to marry nor with that one more time will you share your house that you may learn to receive what is being offered”. The other indeed, when he had heard that, said so much and changed his place to outside, “Master, not indeed yet have you caused a perishing”.

Now, in the time meanwhile, in which Xerxes was exchanging accounts with his brother, Amestris sent for the lance-bearers of Xerxes and thoroughly mutilated the woman of Masistes; her breasts, after she had performed a cutting off, she to dogs cast forth and nose and ears and lips, as well as tongue, after she had performed a cutting out, and sent her off to her house thoroughly mutilated.

Then Masistes, having heard of none of that yet, but supposing that something bad was his, rushed by running into his housings and, having seen that his woman had been destroyed, he immediately after that took counsel for himself with his children and was making his passage to Bactra together with his sons and indeed, I suppose, also some others with the intention that he would make the Bactrian district stand apart and bring about the greatest of evils for the king. Precisely that would have happened, so far as it seems to me, precisely if he had acted seasonably in stepping up to the Bactrians and the Sacians; for in fact they were holding him in affection and he was the subordinate ruler of the Bactrians. But, because Xerxes had learned by inquiry that that one was doing, he sent against him a host and on his way killed that one himself and his children as well as the army of that one.

Now, concerning the love of Xerxes and Masistes’ death that much happened, and the Greeks who had set forth from Mycale to the Hellespont first were lying at anchor round Lectum, because they had been taken hold of and made to go off course by winds, and thereafter they came to Abydus and found that the bridges had been thoroughly unloosed that they thought they would find still stretched tight, and not least because of that they came to the Hellespont. Now, although to those round with Leutychides it seemed good to sail away to Greece, yet to the Athenians and Xanthippus their general to remain behind and make trial of the Chersonese. As the one group indeed sailed away, so the Athenians out of Abydus stepped across to the Chersonese and were besieging Sestus.

Now, to that Sestus, on the grounds that it was the strongest wall of those there, persons went together, when they had heard that the Greeks were present in the Hellespont, from the rest of the lands round that had houses and, in particular, from Cardia, a city, Oeobazus, a man from Persia, who was the conveyor of the gear from the bridges; so, the Aeolians who were in the place had that land, and there were with them the Persians and a numerous crowd of the rest of the allies.

Moreover, the tyrant of that district, Xerxes’ subordinate ruler, was Artayctes, a man of Persia and terrible and reckless, who in fact utterly had deceived the king while he was driving against Athens by taking away underhandedly for himself the wealth of Protesileos, Iphiclus’ son, from Elaeous. For in Elaeous in the Chersonese is Protesileos’ burial-place and a sacred precinct round it, where was much wealth and libation saucers of gold and of silver as well as bronze and apparel and other dedications that Artayctes plundered at the king’s making a gift. So, in giving an account like this he led astray Xerxes: “Master, there is a house of a man of Greece there who, having advanced with an army against your land, got justice and died. Of that one give me the house that in fact everyone may come to learn not to advance with an army against your land”. In giving that account, he easily was to persuade Xerxes to give the man’s house, because he suspected none of the thoughts that that one had. Now, he gave account that Protesileos advanced with an army against the land of the king with a mind like this: all Asia the Persians believe is theirs and his whoever on each and every occasion is king. Then, after the gift had been made, he carried the riches out of Elaeous to Sestus and was sowing and drawing revenues from the sacred precinct; moreover, whenever he himself came to Elaeous, in the place not to be slipped into he had intercourse with women. So, that time he was being besieged by the Athenians without either having prepared himself for besieging or expecting the Greeks, and on him unguarded somehow they fell.

Then, when among them, while they were being besieged, it was coming to be autumn, the Athenians were impatient, because they were away from their people, from their own land, and had not the power to completely take the wall, and were asking of their generals that they might lead them back away, but they asserted not before either they should perform a complete taking or the commonwealth of the Athenians should send for them. Then indeed they were content with the present circumstances.

Now, those within the wall were come to every kind of evil by then thus that they were boiling and eating the cords of their recliners and, when they had not even that any longer, thus indeed under cover of night they sped off and were gone, the Persians and Artayctes and Oeobazus, after having stepped down behind the wall, where it was most bereft of their enemies. Then, when it had come to be day, the Chersonesians indicated from the towers to the Athenians what had happened and opened up their gates, and some of them, the greater number, were giving pursuit and some held the city.

Now, Oeobazus who had fled out to Thrace the Apsinthian Thracians took hold of and sacrificed to Pleistorus, a god in the place, in their manner, and those with him in another manner they slew. Then, those round with Artayctes who had set off to flee later, when they were being overtaken, while they were a little inland of Goat’s Rivers, although they were resisting for much time, some died and some were captured alive. In fact, the Greeks bound together and brought them to Sestus, and with them also Artayctes, himself and his child.

And to one of the guarders, an account is given by the Chersonesians, as he was baking salted fish, a prodigy happened like this: The salted fish, while they were lying on the fire, began shaking and wriggling, precisely like newly caught fish, and some were poured round and marveling and one, Artayctes, when he had seen the prodigy, called the baker of the salted fish and asserted, “Stranger from Athens, fear nothing that prodigy; for it has not come to light for you, but that Protesileos in Elaeous is indicating to me that, though he is both dead and a salted fish, he has power from gods to punish whoever commits injustice. Accordingly, as a ransom on me I am willing to put this, in compensation for the riches that I took hold of from the shrine to put down a hundred talents, while in compensation for myself and my child I will give away two hundred talents to the Athenians, if I become a survivor”. Although he was promising that, he could not persuade the general Xanthippus; for the Elaeousians in trying to take vengeance for Protesileos were asking for him to be used mortally, and of the general himself by this way the mind was going. So, after they had brought him away to the promontory, at which Xerxes had yoked the passage, or, some give account, upon the hill over Madytus, a city, they nailed down to plank and hanged him up, while the child before the eyes of Artayctes they utterly stoned.

Then, having done that, they were sailing away to Greece, who were bringing the rest of the riches and, in particular, the gear of the bridges, with the intention that they would dedicate it in the shrines, and during that year nothing any longer more than that happened.

Now, of that Artayctes who was hanged up a forefather Artembares is he who led forth to the Persians an account that those took up hold of and brought to Cyrus, which gave this account: “Since Zeus the Persians leadership gives and, among men, you, Cyrus, he who has taken down Astyages, come, since we possess little land, and that harsh, let us stand up out of that elsewhere and get hold of another better. Many, then, are near towns and many also farther, of which one get we hold of, to more we will be more marvelous. Moreover, it’s reasonable for men who are ruling to perform a deed like that; for just when in fact will there be furnishing it more beautifully than when, at least, we rule both many human beings and the whole of Asia?”. Then Cyrus, who had heard that and marvelled not at the account, was bidding perform that deed, and thus was recommending them, as he was bidding, prepare themselves on the grounds that no longer shall they rule, but be ruled; for there loves out of soft places soft men come to be --for nothing is it the same land’s to grow marvelous fruit and men good in the things of war. And so, with a share of that knowledge the Persians were gone and stood off, worsted in their judgement by Cyrus, and to rule chose, housed on paining land, rather than, sowers of flat, to be others’ slave.



the end